an article by Clara Greed (University of West of England, UK) published in The Sociological Review Volume 67 Issue 4 (July 2019)
Abstract
The trend towards desegregated women’s and men’s toilets, including installing Gender Neutral Toilets (GNTs), and the implications of revisions to the Gender Recognition Act for women-only spaces, have brought into focus the pre-existing lack of female toilet provision in the UK.
Looking at the problem from a town planning perspective, I argue that austerity-driven cuts are coming together with GNT provision to reshape the public toilet landscape in ways that continue to be detrimental to women. Typically women are only provided with half as many facilities as men, resulting in queues for the Ladies, and GNT provision based on relabelling rather than redesigned or additional provision can, in fact, increase competition for the cubicles in the Ladies.
The historical, legislative and cultural reasons for this inequality are explored, along with the different types of public toilet and the different requirements of male and female users.
The article draws on previous research project findings, many of which foreshadow the problems currently coming to the fore as a result of toilet desegregation.
In conclusion, recommendations are made as to how to deal with the conundrum of providing adequate facilities for all women and men, whilst providing all sorts of individuals with choice and privacy to create inclusive, accessible cities for all.
Showing posts with label equality. Show all posts
Showing posts with label equality. Show all posts
Monday, 29 July 2019
Friday, 10 August 2018
An indisputable “holy trinity”? On the moral value of equality, diversity, and inclusion
an article by Thomas Köllen (University of Bern, Switzerland), Marja-Liisa Kakkuri-Knuuttila (Aalto University School of Business, Helsinki, Finland) and Regine Bendl (Vienna University of Economics and Business, Austria) published in Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal Volume 37 Issue 5 (2018)
Abstract
Purpose
There seems to exist a widespread, unquestioned and unquestionable consent, both in research and practice, that there is a moral value inherent in equality and related initiatives toward diversity and inclusion. However, this consent is primarily based on political convictions and emotional reasons, and is without any strong ethical grounding. Whilst a considerable volume of research has been carried out into different facets of the economic value of initiatives toward equality, diversity, and inclusion (EDI), comparatively little research has been undertaken into its moral value. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to structure the moral perspectives on EDI more precisely and more critically.
Design/methodology/approach
After discussing the interrelation of the three concepts equality, diversity and inclusion, the authors discuss the way in which initiatives toward diversity and inclusion are justified morally in literature. The authors point out the crucial position of equality, and then, subsequently, outline how different approaches to equality try to achieve moral legitimacy. Being an important group of initiatives in this debate, the authors subsequently reflect upon the moral (il)legitimacy of affirmative action (AA). The concluding section of this paper provides a brief summary of the findings.
Findings
The moral evaluation of equality, diversity and inclusion remains an under-theorized field. Within the discourse on equality, diversity and inclusion, the term “justice” is largely used in an intuitive way, rather than being rooted in a specific moral philosophy. As there are several conceivable, differing moral perspectives on EDI, one cannot expect an indisputable answer to the question as to whether a given approach toward equality, diversity and inclusion is morally praiseworthy or just. However, the widespread assumption that equality is morally praiseworthy per se, and that striving for equality morally justifies any initiative toward diversity and inclusion, is untenable.
Originality/value
This paper addresses the lack of theorizing on the moral value of initiatives toward equality, diversity, and inclusion, such as diversity management, AA or various equal opportunity approaches. Future research could enrich the discourse on the moral evaluation of diversity management, inclusion programs and organizational equality approaches with new philosophical facets and perspectives, perspectives that might differ from those taken in the predominantly American discourse.
Abstract
Purpose
There seems to exist a widespread, unquestioned and unquestionable consent, both in research and practice, that there is a moral value inherent in equality and related initiatives toward diversity and inclusion. However, this consent is primarily based on political convictions and emotional reasons, and is without any strong ethical grounding. Whilst a considerable volume of research has been carried out into different facets of the economic value of initiatives toward equality, diversity, and inclusion (EDI), comparatively little research has been undertaken into its moral value. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to structure the moral perspectives on EDI more precisely and more critically.
Design/methodology/approach
After discussing the interrelation of the three concepts equality, diversity and inclusion, the authors discuss the way in which initiatives toward diversity and inclusion are justified morally in literature. The authors point out the crucial position of equality, and then, subsequently, outline how different approaches to equality try to achieve moral legitimacy. Being an important group of initiatives in this debate, the authors subsequently reflect upon the moral (il)legitimacy of affirmative action (AA). The concluding section of this paper provides a brief summary of the findings.
Findings
The moral evaluation of equality, diversity and inclusion remains an under-theorized field. Within the discourse on equality, diversity and inclusion, the term “justice” is largely used in an intuitive way, rather than being rooted in a specific moral philosophy. As there are several conceivable, differing moral perspectives on EDI, one cannot expect an indisputable answer to the question as to whether a given approach toward equality, diversity and inclusion is morally praiseworthy or just. However, the widespread assumption that equality is morally praiseworthy per se, and that striving for equality morally justifies any initiative toward diversity and inclusion, is untenable.
Originality/value
This paper addresses the lack of theorizing on the moral value of initiatives toward equality, diversity, and inclusion, such as diversity management, AA or various equal opportunity approaches. Future research could enrich the discourse on the moral evaluation of diversity management, inclusion programs and organizational equality approaches with new philosophical facets and perspectives, perspectives that might differ from those taken in the predominantly American discourse.
Saturday, 16 June 2018
What share of tax do the top 1 per cent pay? Less than you might have heard
a post by Adam Corlett for the Resolution Foundation blog
Late last year in a PMQs exchange about tax, the Prime Minister said that “the top 1 per cent of earners in this country are paying 28 per cent of the tax burden” – “the highest percentage ever”. She’s not alone in saying this. As statistics go, this one is remarkably popular in newspapers, parliament and other political debate. We can expect to hear it a lot more this week as well, as on Friday we will get an update of this and related data from HMRC.
But users of these statistics should be cautious. Firstly, they do not refer to all ‘earners’, just those who pay Income Tax. And of course the ‘tax burden’ stretches far wider than Income Tax. As this blog explores, these important distinctions make these statistics far less meaningful.
The HMRC data shows that the share of Income Tax paid by the top 1 per cent of people who paid Income Tax has indeed risen to 28 per cent, while the share paid by the top 10 per cent has risen to 59 per cent. This can be put down to tax policies that have made Income Tax more top-heavy, including a higher tax-free allowance and the ‘additional rate’ for top earners (now 45p but briefly 50p).
Continue reading
Really useful charts show just where the money comes from.
Late last year in a PMQs exchange about tax, the Prime Minister said that “the top 1 per cent of earners in this country are paying 28 per cent of the tax burden” – “the highest percentage ever”. She’s not alone in saying this. As statistics go, this one is remarkably popular in newspapers, parliament and other political debate. We can expect to hear it a lot more this week as well, as on Friday we will get an update of this and related data from HMRC.
But users of these statistics should be cautious. Firstly, they do not refer to all ‘earners’, just those who pay Income Tax. And of course the ‘tax burden’ stretches far wider than Income Tax. As this blog explores, these important distinctions make these statistics far less meaningful.
The HMRC data shows that the share of Income Tax paid by the top 1 per cent of people who paid Income Tax has indeed risen to 28 per cent, while the share paid by the top 10 per cent has risen to 59 per cent. This can be put down to tax policies that have made Income Tax more top-heavy, including a higher tax-free allowance and the ‘additional rate’ for top earners (now 45p but briefly 50p).
Continue reading
Really useful charts show just where the money comes from.
Tuesday, 24 April 2018
Rehabilitation as a Disability Equality Issue: A Conceptual Shift for Disability Studies?
an article by Tom Shakespeare, Harriet Cooper and Fiona Poland (University of East Anglia, UK) and Dikmen Bezmez (Koç University, Turkey) published in Social Inclusion Volume 6 Number 1 (2018)
Abstract
Rehabilitation is a controversial subject in disability studies, often discussed in terms of oppression, normalisation, and unwanted intrusion. While there may be good reasons for positioning rehabilitation in this way, this has also meant that, as a lived experience, it is under-researched and neglected in disabilities literature, as we show by surveying leading disability studies journals.
With some notable exceptions, rehabilitation research has remained the preserve of the rehabilitation sciences, and such studies have rarely included the voices of disabled people themselves, as we also demonstrate by surveying a cross-section of rehabilitation science literature.
Next, drawing on new research, we argue for reframing access to rehabilitation as a disability equality issue.
Through in-depth discussion of two case studies, we demonstrate that rehabilitation can be a tool for inclusion and for supporting an equal life.
Indeed, we contend that rehabilitation merits disability researchers’ sustained engagement, precisely to ensure that a ‘right-based rehabilitation’ policy and practice can be developed, which is not oppressive, but reflects the views and experiences of the disabled people who rehabilitation should serve.
Full text (PDF 12pp)
Abstract
Rehabilitation is a controversial subject in disability studies, often discussed in terms of oppression, normalisation, and unwanted intrusion. While there may be good reasons for positioning rehabilitation in this way, this has also meant that, as a lived experience, it is under-researched and neglected in disabilities literature, as we show by surveying leading disability studies journals.
With some notable exceptions, rehabilitation research has remained the preserve of the rehabilitation sciences, and such studies have rarely included the voices of disabled people themselves, as we also demonstrate by surveying a cross-section of rehabilitation science literature.
Next, drawing on new research, we argue for reframing access to rehabilitation as a disability equality issue.
Through in-depth discussion of two case studies, we demonstrate that rehabilitation can be a tool for inclusion and for supporting an equal life.
Indeed, we contend that rehabilitation merits disability researchers’ sustained engagement, precisely to ensure that a ‘right-based rehabilitation’ policy and practice can be developed, which is not oppressive, but reflects the views and experiences of the disabled people who rehabilitation should serve.
Full text (PDF 12pp)
Tuesday, 17 April 2018
Reasonable Accommodation as a Gateway to the Equal Enjoyment of Human Rights: From New York to Strasbourg
an article by Delia Ferri (Department of Law, Maynooth University, Ireland) Social Inclusion Volume 6 Number 1 (2018)
Abstract
The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) explicitly embeds the concept of reasonable accommodation within the principle of non-discrimination. Article 2 of the CRPD unambiguously recognizes that reasonable accommodation is vital in enabling persons with disabilities to enjoy and exercise their rights on an equal basis with others.
This article argues that in the ten years since its entry into force, the CRPD has stimulated a process of cross-fertilization. In particular, it contends that the CRPD has played a crucial role in the advancement of disability equality, and in the recognition of reasonable accommodation as a gateway to the equal enjoyment of all human rights within the European human rights system.
By adopting a legal perspective and a traditional doctrinal approach, this article focuses on relevant European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) case law. It shows the gradual adoption by the ECtHR of the concept of reasonable accommodation as an essential element to remove specific barriers or disadvantages to which a particular disabled individual would otherwise be subject.
The primary emphasis of this short article is on the ECtHR case law and on the extent to which it has translated the CRPD and the work of the CRPD Committee into the European human rights system.
Full text (PDF 11pp)
Abstract
The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) explicitly embeds the concept of reasonable accommodation within the principle of non-discrimination. Article 2 of the CRPD unambiguously recognizes that reasonable accommodation is vital in enabling persons with disabilities to enjoy and exercise their rights on an equal basis with others.
This article argues that in the ten years since its entry into force, the CRPD has stimulated a process of cross-fertilization. In particular, it contends that the CRPD has played a crucial role in the advancement of disability equality, and in the recognition of reasonable accommodation as a gateway to the equal enjoyment of all human rights within the European human rights system.
By adopting a legal perspective and a traditional doctrinal approach, this article focuses on relevant European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) case law. It shows the gradual adoption by the ECtHR of the concept of reasonable accommodation as an essential element to remove specific barriers or disadvantages to which a particular disabled individual would otherwise be subject.
The primary emphasis of this short article is on the ECtHR case law and on the extent to which it has translated the CRPD and the work of the CRPD Committee into the European human rights system.
Full text (PDF 11pp)
Saturday, 14 April 2018
Equality of What? The Capability Approach and the Right to Education for Persons with Disabilities
an article by Andrea Broderick (Maastricht University, The Netherlands) published in Social Inclusion Volume 6 Number 1 (2018)
Abstract
The right to education is indispensable in unlocking other substantive human rights and in ensuring full and equal participation of persons with disabilities in mainstream society.
The cornerstone of Article 24 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities seeks to ensure access to inclusive education for persons with disabilities on an equal basis with others as well as the full development of human potential. Since the adoption of the Convention, there has been much theorising about inclusive education; however, there has been little focus on the meaning of equality in the context of the right to education for persons with disabilities.
The capability approach, developed by Amartya Sen and further refined by Martha Nussbaum, focuses on ensuring equality and developing human potential.
It is often viewed as a tool that can be used to overcome the limitations of traditional equality assessments in the educational sphere, which only measure resources and outcomes.
This article explores whether the capability approach can offer new insights into the vision of educational equality contained in the Convention and how that vision can be implemented at the national level.
Full text (PDF 11pp)
Abstract
The right to education is indispensable in unlocking other substantive human rights and in ensuring full and equal participation of persons with disabilities in mainstream society.
The cornerstone of Article 24 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities seeks to ensure access to inclusive education for persons with disabilities on an equal basis with others as well as the full development of human potential. Since the adoption of the Convention, there has been much theorising about inclusive education; however, there has been little focus on the meaning of equality in the context of the right to education for persons with disabilities.
The capability approach, developed by Amartya Sen and further refined by Martha Nussbaum, focuses on ensuring equality and developing human potential.
It is often viewed as a tool that can be used to overcome the limitations of traditional equality assessments in the educational sphere, which only measure resources and outcomes.
This article explores whether the capability approach can offer new insights into the vision of educational equality contained in the Convention and how that vision can be implemented at the national level.
Full text (PDF 11pp)
Monday, 2 April 2018
The social-democratic roots of global governance: Welfare internationalism from the 19th century to the United Nations
an article by Jens Steffek and Leonie Holthaus (Technische Universität Darmstadt, Germany) published in European Journal of International Relations Volume 24 Issue 1 (March 2018)
Abstract
Welfare internationalism was and still is one of the most powerful justifications for establishing international organizations. It suggests that public international organizations should cater to the material needs of individuals, rather than solve conflicts among states.
In this article, we trace the origins of welfare internationalism, challenging the dominant narrative that depicts it as a projection of the British welfare state or the American New Deal to the globe.
We show that welfare internationalism emerged earlier and combined ideational elements of very different origins. Notions of professional colonial administration migrated to the international context and dovetailed with a cosmopolitan interpretation of 19th-century public unions as caretakers of citizen interests.
Reform socialist approaches to the social question inspired domestic and international developments simultaneously, leading to the foundation of the International Labour Organization, which became a crucial venue for the promulgation of welfare internationalism.
We thus document how international theorists and practitioners of the early 20th century established a new perspective on international affairs, emanating from individuals and their needs. That perspective came to rival the traditional conception of international politics as intergovernmentalism and delivered important building blocks for the (self-)legitimation of the League of Nations and the United Nations.
Abstract
Welfare internationalism was and still is one of the most powerful justifications for establishing international organizations. It suggests that public international organizations should cater to the material needs of individuals, rather than solve conflicts among states.
In this article, we trace the origins of welfare internationalism, challenging the dominant narrative that depicts it as a projection of the British welfare state or the American New Deal to the globe.
We show that welfare internationalism emerged earlier and combined ideational elements of very different origins. Notions of professional colonial administration migrated to the international context and dovetailed with a cosmopolitan interpretation of 19th-century public unions as caretakers of citizen interests.
Reform socialist approaches to the social question inspired domestic and international developments simultaneously, leading to the foundation of the International Labour Organization, which became a crucial venue for the promulgation of welfare internationalism.
We thus document how international theorists and practitioners of the early 20th century established a new perspective on international affairs, emanating from individuals and their needs. That perspective came to rival the traditional conception of international politics as intergovernmentalism and delivered important building blocks for the (self-)legitimation of the League of Nations and the United Nations.
Wednesday, 15 November 2017
Into a footnote: Unpaid care work and the Equality Budget in Scotland
an article by Jecynta Amboh Azong and Monika Wilińska (University of Stirling, UK) published in European Journal of Women's Studies Volume 24 Issue 3 (2017)
Abstract
This article analyses the visibility of unpaid care work in Scotland by examining the (non-)development of discourse on unpaid care work in economic policy documents.
Drawing on the problem approach to policy analysis, the article engages with the Equality Budget Statements (EBS) as policy documents that not only inform the government’s spending plans but are foremost statements of values and norms pursued by the government. This critical reading reveals that certain discourses give different meanings to women’s lives through the political significance of what remains unproblematized as part of the ensuing care discourse in Scotland.
The developing discourse on economic policy and equality suggests that equality in Scotland is presupposed on labour market participation. This shrinks discourse on unpaid care work; the problem of unpaid care work is silenced, while the problem of women’s access to employment is redefined to mean a problem of difference and costly childcare only.
The way certain issues have or have not appeared in governmental documents is explanatory of the importance and relevance of unpaid care work to the political discourse.
Abstract
This article analyses the visibility of unpaid care work in Scotland by examining the (non-)development of discourse on unpaid care work in economic policy documents.
Drawing on the problem approach to policy analysis, the article engages with the Equality Budget Statements (EBS) as policy documents that not only inform the government’s spending plans but are foremost statements of values and norms pursued by the government. This critical reading reveals that certain discourses give different meanings to women’s lives through the political significance of what remains unproblematized as part of the ensuing care discourse in Scotland.
The developing discourse on economic policy and equality suggests that equality in Scotland is presupposed on labour market participation. This shrinks discourse on unpaid care work; the problem of unpaid care work is silenced, while the problem of women’s access to employment is redefined to mean a problem of difference and costly childcare only.
The way certain issues have or have not appeared in governmental documents is explanatory of the importance and relevance of unpaid care work to the political discourse.
Wednesday, 17 June 2015
We need a better grasp of equality to tackle inequality
an article by Joy Warmington published in New Start (June 2015)
Here’s a quick question for you. For every £100 that a man working in Birmingham earns, how much do you think a woman earns? Ninety five pounds? Ninety pounds? Maybe as low as £85?
I’ll reveal the answer at the end, so while you’re mulling that here’s another one.
The unemployment rate for white people in Birmingham is about 9%. What’s the rate for black people? If you doubled 9%, try again. The answer is actually three times higher – 26%. The unemployment rate for Pakistani and Bangladeshi residents is similarly out of kilter, currently standing at 18%.
But here’s the really interesting thing. Back in 2004 the white unemployment rate was 6% while the black rate was 18% – again three times higher. Over the course of a decade, despite all its strategies and plans, the city was unable to reduce this stark inequality.
Continue reading
Here’s a quick question for you. For every £100 that a man working in Birmingham earns, how much do you think a woman earns? Ninety five pounds? Ninety pounds? Maybe as low as £85?
I’ll reveal the answer at the end, so while you’re mulling that here’s another one.
The unemployment rate for white people in Birmingham is about 9%. What’s the rate for black people? If you doubled 9%, try again. The answer is actually three times higher – 26%. The unemployment rate for Pakistani and Bangladeshi residents is similarly out of kilter, currently standing at 18%.
But here’s the really interesting thing. Back in 2004 the white unemployment rate was 6% while the black rate was 18% – again three times higher. Over the course of a decade, despite all its strategies and plans, the city was unable to reduce this stark inequality.
Continue reading
Wednesday, 29 May 2013
The Political Economy of Work and Employment: The business case for equal opportunities
an article by Rebecca Riley, Hilary Metcalf and John Forth (NIESR) published in Industrial Relations Journal Volume 44 Issue 3 (May 2013)
Abstract
It has long been argued that equality of opportunity brings business benefits and that it is in employers’ interest to implement policy to promote equality of opportunity.
Our analysis of the Workplace Employment Relations Survey 2004 found neither large and widespread business benefits, nor large and widespread costs associated with Equal Opportunities policies amongst the establishments that implement these.
Given the net benefits to society of equal opportunities policies, this suggests that public and private benefits are likely to differ substantially and points to the need for policy intervention.
Abstract
It has long been argued that equality of opportunity brings business benefits and that it is in employers’ interest to implement policy to promote equality of opportunity.
Our analysis of the Workplace Employment Relations Survey 2004 found neither large and widespread business benefits, nor large and widespread costs associated with Equal Opportunities policies amongst the establishments that implement these.
Given the net benefits to society of equal opportunities policies, this suggests that public and private benefits are likely to differ substantially and points to the need for policy intervention.
Wednesday, 24 April 2013
Gendered divisions on classed routes to vocational education
an article by Sirpa Lappalainen, Reetta Mietola and Elina Lahelma (University of Helsinki, Finland) published in Gender and Education Volume 25 Issue 2 (2013)
Abstract
In this article our focus is on the persistent gendered divisions in educational routes of young people who choose a vocational path after compulsory education in Finland.
We analyse how gendered subjectivities are constructed within the practices of educational and vocational guidance and within student cultures in the comprehensive school, as well as the way in which young people process understandings of themselves and their expectations during and after vocational education. In addition, we explore young people’s ways to negotiate with disciplinary practices of the educational system.
The paper draws on three ethnographic studies, and on feminist post-structural and materialist theories, intertwined with contextualised ethnographic perspectives. Our analysis reveals some patterns that might work as obstacles in the process towards reducing gender segregation in education and the labour market. We suggest that whilst gendered choices are sometimes taken for granted, gender dichotomy is often emphasised even if young people choose ‘differently’.
Abstract
In this article our focus is on the persistent gendered divisions in educational routes of young people who choose a vocational path after compulsory education in Finland.
We analyse how gendered subjectivities are constructed within the practices of educational and vocational guidance and within student cultures in the comprehensive school, as well as the way in which young people process understandings of themselves and their expectations during and after vocational education. In addition, we explore young people’s ways to negotiate with disciplinary practices of the educational system.
The paper draws on three ethnographic studies, and on feminist post-structural and materialist theories, intertwined with contextualised ethnographic perspectives. Our analysis reveals some patterns that might work as obstacles in the process towards reducing gender segregation in education and the labour market. We suggest that whilst gendered choices are sometimes taken for granted, gender dichotomy is often emphasised even if young people choose ‘differently’.
Tuesday, 5 March 2013
Public duty and private prejudice: sexualities equalities and local government
an article by Diane Richardson and Surya Monro (Newcastle University, UK) published in The Sociological Review Volume 61 Issue 1 (February 2013)
Abstract
Rather than critiquing social institutions and practices that have historically excluded lesbians and gay men, as did earlier social movements in the 1960s and 1970s, since the 1990s the politics of sexuality has increasingly been about demanding equal rights of citizenship.
These citizenship demands have, at least to a degree, been answered via a raft of recent legislation in the UK including the Adoption and Children Act 2002, Employment Equality (Sexual Orientation) Regulations 2003, Gender Recognition Act 2004 and the Civil Partnership Act 2004, and by associated changes in policy making and practice that emphasise ‘Equality and Diversity’.
In this article we consider how the implementation of sexualities equalities policies is related to processes of privatisation and individualisation. This is illustrated by using sexualities equalities work in local government as a case study to indicate how processes of change and resistance are aided by these processes.
The article draws on findings from a study of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) equalities initiatives in local government in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, which examined the views of those who now have a public duty to implement recent legislative and policy shifts and are obliged to develop equalities initiatives concerning ‘sexual orientation' and ‘gender reassignment’.
Full text (PDF 22pp)
Abstract
Rather than critiquing social institutions and practices that have historically excluded lesbians and gay men, as did earlier social movements in the 1960s and 1970s, since the 1990s the politics of sexuality has increasingly been about demanding equal rights of citizenship.
These citizenship demands have, at least to a degree, been answered via a raft of recent legislation in the UK including the Adoption and Children Act 2002, Employment Equality (Sexual Orientation) Regulations 2003, Gender Recognition Act 2004 and the Civil Partnership Act 2004, and by associated changes in policy making and practice that emphasise ‘Equality and Diversity’.
In this article we consider how the implementation of sexualities equalities policies is related to processes of privatisation and individualisation. This is illustrated by using sexualities equalities work in local government as a case study to indicate how processes of change and resistance are aided by these processes.
The article draws on findings from a study of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) equalities initiatives in local government in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, which examined the views of those who now have a public duty to implement recent legislative and policy shifts and are obliged to develop equalities initiatives concerning ‘sexual orientation' and ‘gender reassignment’.
Full text (PDF 22pp)
Tuesday, 19 February 2013
Women and the Modernization of British Trade Unions: Meanings, Dimensions and the Challenge of Change
an article by Mark Stuart and Jennifer Tomlinson (University of Leeds, UK) and Miguel Martinez Lucio (Manchester Business School, UK) published in The Journal of Industrial Relations volume 55 Number 1 (February 2013)
Abstract
This article examines the position of women within the modernisation processes of British trade unions, based on the first analysis to date of projects funded under the British government’s Trade Union Modernisation Fund.
The focus of the article on the Trade Union Modernisation Fund provides unique insights into the relatively under-explored ‘inner workings’ of unions, and allows an examination of the types of modernisation projects that may advance women’s interests within unions and the types of challenges such initiatives face.
The projects suggested that reflection and learning around women’s interests and equality agendas were taking place, along with a degree of mainstreaming and embedding activity within union structures.
However, projects had to face not only deeply entrenched constraints, but also a new set of challenges raised by the process of modernisation itself.
Abstract
This article examines the position of women within the modernisation processes of British trade unions, based on the first analysis to date of projects funded under the British government’s Trade Union Modernisation Fund.
The focus of the article on the Trade Union Modernisation Fund provides unique insights into the relatively under-explored ‘inner workings’ of unions, and allows an examination of the types of modernisation projects that may advance women’s interests within unions and the types of challenges such initiatives face.
The projects suggested that reflection and learning around women’s interests and equality agendas were taking place, along with a degree of mainstreaming and embedding activity within union structures.
However, projects had to face not only deeply entrenched constraints, but also a new set of challenges raised by the process of modernisation itself.
Tuesday, 12 February 2013
Equality and territorial (in-)justice? Exploring the impact of devolution on social welfare for older people in the UK
an article by Paul Chaney (Cardiff University) published in Critical Social Policy Volume 33 Number 1 (February 2013)
Abstract
This paper examines the impact of devolution on social welfare for older people and the associated administration of age equality.
Analysis of policy discourse, rights and stakeholders’ views reveals divergent practice in the constituent nations of the UK.
In normative terms this is shown to present a tension between universal welfare rights and entitlements – and regional differentiation. It is argued that this presents a dilemma in terms of territorial justice.
Whilst, in distributive-welfare terms, variations between polities might be seen as unjust, they are founded on the autonomy of national minorities to determine local priorities and are shown to have fostered progressive practices that go beyond the prescriptions of the central state.
Abstract
This paper examines the impact of devolution on social welfare for older people and the associated administration of age equality.
Analysis of policy discourse, rights and stakeholders’ views reveals divergent practice in the constituent nations of the UK.
In normative terms this is shown to present a tension between universal welfare rights and entitlements – and regional differentiation. It is argued that this presents a dilemma in terms of territorial justice.
Whilst, in distributive-welfare terms, variations between polities might be seen as unjust, they are founded on the autonomy of national minorities to determine local priorities and are shown to have fostered progressive practices that go beyond the prescriptions of the central state.
Tuesday, 15 January 2013
Mainstreaming intersectional equality for older people? Exploring the impact of quasi-federalism in the UK
an article by Paul Chaney (Cardiff University, Wales, UK) published in Public Policy and Administration Volume 28 Number 1 (January 2013)
Abstract
Using an analytical framework based on European Commission directives and United Nations resolutions calling for a mainstreamed and intersectional approach to age equality, this paper examines the UK’s devolved administrations’ governance practices and territorially specific public policy on older people.
The findings reveal mixed progress.
Whilst a number of mainstreaming prerequisites have been secured and divergent, ‘regional’ equality rights and welfare entitlements established, shortcomings are also apparent including reliance on an intercategorical, additive approach to intersectionality, one that falls short of fully addressing the diverse needs and identities of older people.
Wednesday, 12 December 2012
Should Women Care Less? Intrinsic Motivation and Gender Inequality
an article by Nancy Folbre (University of Massachusetts Amherst) published in British Journal of Industrial Relations
Volume 50 Issue 4 (December 2012)
Abstract
Gendered values, norms and preferences shape the intrinsic motivation to provide care for others.
This article situates an analysis of this motivation within the broader literature on gender inequality, explaining why it has costly consequences for women in both the home and the labour market, even as it provides considerable personal satisfaction and social benefit.
Further movement towards gender equality may depend on the success of political and cultural efforts to ‘de-gender’ normative obligations to care.
Abstract
Gendered values, norms and preferences shape the intrinsic motivation to provide care for others.
This article situates an analysis of this motivation within the broader literature on gender inequality, explaining why it has costly consequences for women in both the home and the labour market, even as it provides considerable personal satisfaction and social benefit.
Further movement towards gender equality may depend on the success of political and cultural efforts to ‘de-gender’ normative obligations to care.
Wednesday, 31 October 2012
New legislative settings and the application of the participative-democratic model of mainstreaming equality in public policy making: evidence from the UK's devolution programme
an article by Paul Chaney (Cardiff School of Social Sciences, Wales) published in Policy Studies Volume 33 Issue 5 (September 2012)
Abstract
Studies of established parliamentary contexts highlight institutional barriers to mainstreaming equality of opportunity in public policy-making.
In contrast, this paper uses an actor-centred institutionalist perspective to explore the case of the new devolved legislatures in the UK purposively designed with mechanisms to broaden engagement in the policy process.
It assesses progress in applying the participative-democratic model of mainstreaming to policy-making.
The findings – based upon analysis of legislative proceedings and equality and human rights organisations’ accounts – reveal that ‘system openness’ has afforded opportunities to engage in – and influence – policy work. Yet, problems and shortcomings are also identified – signifying a ‘disconnect’ between the rhetoric and reality of mainstreaming at the meso-level – and continuity with the pre-existing policy style in UK governance.
The wider significance of this is that potential gains afforded by the adoption of mainstreaming in legislative settings purposively designed to foster the engagement of exogenous interests can be negated by leadership issues and government failure to secure the full range of pre-requisites prescribed by mainstreaming theory.
Abstract
Studies of established parliamentary contexts highlight institutional barriers to mainstreaming equality of opportunity in public policy-making.
In contrast, this paper uses an actor-centred institutionalist perspective to explore the case of the new devolved legislatures in the UK purposively designed with mechanisms to broaden engagement in the policy process.
It assesses progress in applying the participative-democratic model of mainstreaming to policy-making.
The findings – based upon analysis of legislative proceedings and equality and human rights organisations’ accounts – reveal that ‘system openness’ has afforded opportunities to engage in – and influence – policy work. Yet, problems and shortcomings are also identified – signifying a ‘disconnect’ between the rhetoric and reality of mainstreaming at the meso-level – and continuity with the pre-existing policy style in UK governance.
The wider significance of this is that potential gains afforded by the adoption of mainstreaming in legislative settings purposively designed to foster the engagement of exogenous interests can be negated by leadership issues and government failure to secure the full range of pre-requisites prescribed by mainstreaming theory.
Friday, 26 October 2012
Knowledge work: gender-blind or gender-biased?
an article by Catherine Truss (University of Kent, UK), Edel Conway, Gráinne Kelly, Kathy Monks and Patrick C Flood (Dublin City University, Ireland), Alessia d’Amato (London School of Economics, UK) and Enda Hannon (Kingston University, UK) published in Work Employment & Society Volume 26 Number 5 (October 2012)
Abstract
Knowledge-intensive firms (KIFs) have been the subject of growing interest from researchers. However, investigations into the comparative experiences of men and women in KIFs remain sparse, and little is known about women’s participation in the processes of innovation and knowledge exchange and combination that are core features of KIFs.
The article reports on the findings of a study in the UK and Ireland involving 498 male and female knowledge workers in KIFs.
Despite equal levels of qualification and experience, women are more likely to be in lower status and less secure jobs. They also predominantly occupy roles featuring less variety and autonomy than men and, despite comparable levels of knowledge exchange and combination, are less likely to be in a position to translate this into the innovative work behaviours necessary for career advancement.
The findings suggest that women’s experiences of and participation in knowledge processes within KIFs differ fundamentally from men’s.
Abstract
Knowledge-intensive firms (KIFs) have been the subject of growing interest from researchers. However, investigations into the comparative experiences of men and women in KIFs remain sparse, and little is known about women’s participation in the processes of innovation and knowledge exchange and combination that are core features of KIFs.
The article reports on the findings of a study in the UK and Ireland involving 498 male and female knowledge workers in KIFs.
Despite equal levels of qualification and experience, women are more likely to be in lower status and less secure jobs. They also predominantly occupy roles featuring less variety and autonomy than men and, despite comparable levels of knowledge exchange and combination, are less likely to be in a position to translate this into the innovative work behaviours necessary for career advancement.
The findings suggest that women’s experiences of and participation in knowledge processes within KIFs differ fundamentally from men’s.
Thursday, 23 August 2012
Acknowledging religious diversity: Opportunities and challenges
an article by Betsy D. Gelb and Teri Elkins Longacre (University of Houston, USA) published in Business Horizons Volume 55 Issue 5 (September–October 2012)
Abstract
Because federal law protects an employee’s right to religious accommodation, managers cannot ignore the issue of religious diversity. The matter is far broader than simple legal compliance, though.
Certainly, managers need to better understand the laws protecting employees’ rights for accommodation and prohibiting disparate treatment, religious harassment, and retaliation. However, they also need to understand the various opportunities and challenges associated with acknowledging religious diversity.
Concerning opportunities, research suggests that allowing employees to express aspects of their religion can enhance their work lives and, thus, the value they place on the organization.
Furthermore, respect for religious diversity can encourage a useful mindset for communicating with other stakeholders in areas from advertising to the sports interests of salespeople.
Since learning more about a range of faiths can lead to greater skills in working with diverse groups, we offer information on Prothero’s God Is Not One: The Eight Rival Religions That Run the World – and Why Their Differences Matter [£6.20 on Amazon.co.uk] and on different religions’ practices associated with death-related issues.
In conclusion, we provide insight regarding the benefits of acknowledging religious diversity while respecting those who identify with no religion, and we do so without opening the door to proselytizing.
Hazel’s comment:
Obviously where this article quotes law it is American Federal or State law to which it refers. However, readers of this blog should not dismiss the article for this reason. The equality and humanity issues are the same the world over.
Abstract
Because federal law protects an employee’s right to religious accommodation, managers cannot ignore the issue of religious diversity. The matter is far broader than simple legal compliance, though.
Certainly, managers need to better understand the laws protecting employees’ rights for accommodation and prohibiting disparate treatment, religious harassment, and retaliation. However, they also need to understand the various opportunities and challenges associated with acknowledging religious diversity.
Concerning opportunities, research suggests that allowing employees to express aspects of their religion can enhance their work lives and, thus, the value they place on the organization.
Furthermore, respect for religious diversity can encourage a useful mindset for communicating with other stakeholders in areas from advertising to the sports interests of salespeople.
Since learning more about a range of faiths can lead to greater skills in working with diverse groups, we offer information on Prothero’s God Is Not One: The Eight Rival Religions That Run the World – and Why Their Differences Matter [£6.20 on Amazon.co.uk] and on different religions’ practices associated with death-related issues.
In conclusion, we provide insight regarding the benefits of acknowledging religious diversity while respecting those who identify with no religion, and we do so without opening the door to proselytizing.
Hazel’s comment:
Obviously where this article quotes law it is American Federal or State law to which it refers. However, readers of this blog should not dismiss the article for this reason. The equality and humanity issues are the same the world over.
Monday, 23 July 2012
Car salesmen and disabled people unite!
via ToUChstone blog: A public policy blog from the TUC
Ben Baumberg relays a new Spartacus report, showing that as many as 1 in 10 of all new car sales in the UK is paid for using the Motability scheme, which will be hit hard by the replacement of Disability Living Allowance by the new Personal Independence Payment. This is likely to mean 30,000 fewer car purchases a year – equating to about 1,000 jobs in the industry.
At the same time, a survey found that 29% of recipients said that Motability had helped them keep a job, and 9% that it had helped them get one. If the sample is representative of all Motability users, the scheme keeps 68,000 people in work. “Spartacus estimates that cutting disability benefits will save the government £640m but reduce GDP by £660m, as well as reducing quality of life for disabled people and the people that help care for them.”
Read the original post on the inequalities blog
Ben Baumberg relays a new Spartacus report, showing that as many as 1 in 10 of all new car sales in the UK is paid for using the Motability scheme, which will be hit hard by the replacement of Disability Living Allowance by the new Personal Independence Payment. This is likely to mean 30,000 fewer car purchases a year – equating to about 1,000 jobs in the industry.
At the same time, a survey found that 29% of recipients said that Motability had helped them keep a job, and 9% that it had helped them get one. If the sample is representative of all Motability users, the scheme keeps 68,000 people in work. “Spartacus estimates that cutting disability benefits will save the government £640m but reduce GDP by £660m, as well as reducing quality of life for disabled people and the people that help care for them.”
Read the original post on the inequalities blog
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
