an article by Kevin Muldoon-Smith (Northumbria University, UK published in Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit Volume 34 Issue 3 (May 2019)
Abstract
How can Government and the Treasury reconcile two often contradictory aspects of the commercial property tax model in England? On the one hand, commercial property tax is required to be responsive to economic conditions, promoting investment in property and business. On the other hand, local commercial property tax, in part, is required to fund local public services.
This situation reveals a contradiction in government tax policy that has a direct impact upon local, regional and national economic activity.
This Viewpoint article considers the nature of commercial property tax in England, the business rate system, the competing pressures upon the business rate system before considering the main alternative on offer in England, land value tax. Despite the undoubted economic elegance of this instrument, any move towards land value tax should be approached with caution.
Any solution to the current business rates impasse should not be led by a pragmatic focus on tax collection.
Nor should prevalent issues, the high street, the need for digital tax or public finance demands be considered in isolation – they should be tackled together because they are part of the same complex situation.
Showing posts with label local_government. Show all posts
Showing posts with label local_government. Show all posts
Tuesday, 11 June 2019
Thursday, 23 May 2019
Housing, growth and infrastructure: Supporting the delivery of new homes in the Sheffield City Region, UK
an article by Garreth Bruff and Felix Kumi-Ampofo (Sheffield City Region, UK) published in Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit Volume 34 Issue 2 (March 2019)
Abstract
Set against a background of failing housing markets and years of austerity, with spending cuts to many of the public services traditionally involved in housing, the UK Government’s ambition to deliver 300,000 new homes a year was always going to be a challenge.
At the same time however, a programme of devolution to city regional bodies across England has provided the opportunity to test new approaches to support housing growth, with the potential for innovation and more tailored interventions designed around the needs of a specific place.
This paper uses experience in the Sheffield City Region to illustrate the challenges and opportunities for housing growth in one part of the country as well as the interventions being developed to address these. The paper sets out some of the geographic and economic factors shaping the housing sector in the city region, and the role that housing growth has come to play in the wider economic ambitions for the area.
It then describes some of the plans and programmes being developed to encourage the development of new homes and the success of a pilot Housing Fund could have in overcoming problems where national programmes have failed.
Abstract
Set against a background of failing housing markets and years of austerity, with spending cuts to many of the public services traditionally involved in housing, the UK Government’s ambition to deliver 300,000 new homes a year was always going to be a challenge.
At the same time however, a programme of devolution to city regional bodies across England has provided the opportunity to test new approaches to support housing growth, with the potential for innovation and more tailored interventions designed around the needs of a specific place.
This paper uses experience in the Sheffield City Region to illustrate the challenges and opportunities for housing growth in one part of the country as well as the interventions being developed to address these. The paper sets out some of the geographic and economic factors shaping the housing sector in the city region, and the role that housing growth has come to play in the wider economic ambitions for the area.
It then describes some of the plans and programmes being developed to encourage the development of new homes and the success of a pilot Housing Fund could have in overcoming problems where national programmes have failed.
Wednesday, 15 May 2019
Combined Authorities for more sub-regions? – Learning the adverse lessons from England beyond the metropolitan conurbations
an article by Alan Townsend (Durham University, UK) published in Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit Volume 34 Issue 2 (March 2019)
Abstract
The paper presents an analysis of the latent need for further Combined Authorities across England and finds that there are many potential functional areas, like the Cambridge and Peterborough Authority, which merit them on grounds of size or growth.
They often correspond to Local Enterprise Partnership or past Multi-Area Agreement areas and stand among many abortive devolution proposals of the last four years.
Their travel-to-work areas frequently conflict with shire counties’ present boundaries, a problem which provides the strongest obstacle to new ‘larger-than-local’ governance arrangements.
The present government’s abandonment of the requirement for new non-city Combined Authorities to have a directly elected mayor would remove a main barrier to establishing new devolution agreements across England, which is delayed by the need for a promised policy paper from government.
Abstract
The paper presents an analysis of the latent need for further Combined Authorities across England and finds that there are many potential functional areas, like the Cambridge and Peterborough Authority, which merit them on grounds of size or growth.
They often correspond to Local Enterprise Partnership or past Multi-Area Agreement areas and stand among many abortive devolution proposals of the last four years.
Their travel-to-work areas frequently conflict with shire counties’ present boundaries, a problem which provides the strongest obstacle to new ‘larger-than-local’ governance arrangements.
The present government’s abandonment of the requirement for new non-city Combined Authorities to have a directly elected mayor would remove a main barrier to establishing new devolution agreements across England, which is delayed by the need for a promised policy paper from government.
Monday, 13 May 2019
n perspective: Setting up new Combined Authorities in England: A National Audit Office assessment
an article by Aileen Murphie (National Audit Office, UK) published in Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit Volume 34 Issue 2 (March 2019)
Abstract
In May 2017, nine combined authorities had been created in England. Also, by May 2017, six of the combined authorities had held mayoral elections and England now has six new elected officials at what one might call regional level, elected on turnouts of between 21 and 34% of local electorates.
This means that 34% of the population of England now lives in combined authority areas and 22% in combined authority areas with an elected mayor. So, the administrative map of England now looks different and the governance of England is now different.
The question is how much the new authorities will matter.
The second question is how well combined authorities are set up to benefit local areas.
The creation of combined authorities effectively forms a statute-based vehicle to take forward devolution deals. The subsidary question relates to the future of devolution: are the combined authorities now in existence the start of a new wave? Or the high point? In this article I will set out the challenges currently facing the combined authorities and set out the financial context in which they are operating.
Abstract
In May 2017, nine combined authorities had been created in England. Also, by May 2017, six of the combined authorities had held mayoral elections and England now has six new elected officials at what one might call regional level, elected on turnouts of between 21 and 34% of local electorates.
This means that 34% of the population of England now lives in combined authority areas and 22% in combined authority areas with an elected mayor. So, the administrative map of England now looks different and the governance of England is now different.
The question is how much the new authorities will matter.
The second question is how well combined authorities are set up to benefit local areas.
The creation of combined authorities effectively forms a statute-based vehicle to take forward devolution deals. The subsidary question relates to the future of devolution: are the combined authorities now in existence the start of a new wave? Or the high point? In this article I will set out the challenges currently facing the combined authorities and set out the financial context in which they are operating.
Thursday, 24 January 2019
Pressures on children’s social care
a Press Release from the National Audit Office
Published: January 23, 2019
Full report: Pressures on children’s social care (various formats available)
In a report published today, the National Audit Office has concluded that the Department for Education does not fully understand what is driving demand for children’s social care, nor why there is such wide variation between local authorities in their children’s social care activity and costs, as it has not yet done the work to tie together available sources of information.
In 2017-18 655,630 children were referred to local authorities because of concerns about their welfare. This was a rise of 7% since 2010-11, slightly above population growth for children aged 0-17. However local authorities carried out 77% more child protection assessments. The reasons for this disproportionate increase in assessments compared with referrals are unknown.
The most expensive and serious cases, where children are taken into care, have risen by 15% since 2010-11 – more than double the rate of population growth. Local authorities expect to spend £4.2 billion on children in care in 2018-19, which is £350 million (9.1%) more than they budgeted for in 2017-18. There has been an increase in the use of residential care, but local authorities often lack suitable placements. Only 32% said they have access to enough residential homes for children aged 14 to 15 years, and 41% for those aged 16 to 17.
The Department does not fully understand what is causing increases in demand across all local authorities and, until recently, it did not consider this a fundamental part of its responsibilities. It has previously estimated that 41% of the increase in the number of children in need between 2009-10 and 2016-17 was due to population growth, however, it had not quantified the contribution of other causes to almost 60% of the increase. The Department has put in place a programme of reform. In late 2017 it commissioned with others external research which they hope will explain demand and variation, but this will not be ready before summer 2019.
The activity and cost of children’s services vary significantly between different local authorities. The rate of children in need episodes ranges from 301 to 1,323 per 10,000 children. There is even greater variation in the amount local authorities spend on children’s social care, ranging from £566 to £5,166 per child per year across different local authorities.
The NAO’s analysis suggests that local authority characteristics may account for 44% of the variation between different local authorities over time in how they respond to demand for children’s services. Different levels of deprivation could explain 15% of the variation between local authorities and a further 10% of this variation may be accounted for by changes which affect all local authorities equally at the same time, such as the introduction of a new policy. The relevant characteristics of local authorities and their areas will include custom and practice in children’s social care, local market conditions, and historical patterns of demand.
The report found no link between local authorities’ spending per child in need and the quality of services, as measured by Ofsted. Some services are rated “Good” by Ofsted with spending of £570 per head, while others receive the same rating with spending of £4,980. Similarly, there is no correlation between Ofsted ratings and changing numbers of child protection plans, nor do they provide any indication of how likely local authorities are to reduce the number of looked after children.
Local authorities’ spending power has reduced by 28.6% since 2010. They have responded by reducing spending on non-statutory preventative children’s services, including children’s centres, and increasing spending on statutory social work. For example, the number of Sure Start children’s centres has fallen by just over 500 since 2010. Local authorities which have closed children’s centres have not had any consequential increases in child protection plans.
The NAO recommends that the Department promptly improves its understanding of children’s social care and builds on the NAO’s own research and modelling to help it explain demand and local variations and improve the effectiveness of its decisions.
Published: January 23, 2019
Full report: Pressures on children’s social care (various formats available)
In a report published today, the National Audit Office has concluded that the Department for Education does not fully understand what is driving demand for children’s social care, nor why there is such wide variation between local authorities in their children’s social care activity and costs, as it has not yet done the work to tie together available sources of information.
In 2017-18 655,630 children were referred to local authorities because of concerns about their welfare. This was a rise of 7% since 2010-11, slightly above population growth for children aged 0-17. However local authorities carried out 77% more child protection assessments. The reasons for this disproportionate increase in assessments compared with referrals are unknown.
The most expensive and serious cases, where children are taken into care, have risen by 15% since 2010-11 – more than double the rate of population growth. Local authorities expect to spend £4.2 billion on children in care in 2018-19, which is £350 million (9.1%) more than they budgeted for in 2017-18. There has been an increase in the use of residential care, but local authorities often lack suitable placements. Only 32% said they have access to enough residential homes for children aged 14 to 15 years, and 41% for those aged 16 to 17.
The Department does not fully understand what is causing increases in demand across all local authorities and, until recently, it did not consider this a fundamental part of its responsibilities. It has previously estimated that 41% of the increase in the number of children in need between 2009-10 and 2016-17 was due to population growth, however, it had not quantified the contribution of other causes to almost 60% of the increase. The Department has put in place a programme of reform. In late 2017 it commissioned with others external research which they hope will explain demand and variation, but this will not be ready before summer 2019.
The activity and cost of children’s services vary significantly between different local authorities. The rate of children in need episodes ranges from 301 to 1,323 per 10,000 children. There is even greater variation in the amount local authorities spend on children’s social care, ranging from £566 to £5,166 per child per year across different local authorities.
The NAO’s analysis suggests that local authority characteristics may account for 44% of the variation between different local authorities over time in how they respond to demand for children’s services. Different levels of deprivation could explain 15% of the variation between local authorities and a further 10% of this variation may be accounted for by changes which affect all local authorities equally at the same time, such as the introduction of a new policy. The relevant characteristics of local authorities and their areas will include custom and practice in children’s social care, local market conditions, and historical patterns of demand.
The report found no link between local authorities’ spending per child in need and the quality of services, as measured by Ofsted. Some services are rated “Good” by Ofsted with spending of £570 per head, while others receive the same rating with spending of £4,980. Similarly, there is no correlation between Ofsted ratings and changing numbers of child protection plans, nor do they provide any indication of how likely local authorities are to reduce the number of looked after children.
Local authorities’ spending power has reduced by 28.6% since 2010. They have responded by reducing spending on non-statutory preventative children’s services, including children’s centres, and increasing spending on statutory social work. For example, the number of Sure Start children’s centres has fallen by just over 500 since 2010. Local authorities which have closed children’s centres have not had any consequential increases in child protection plans.
The NAO recommends that the Department promptly improves its understanding of children’s social care and builds on the NAO’s own research and modelling to help it explain demand and local variations and improve the effectiveness of its decisions.
Tuesday, 22 January 2019
Whatever happened to the North East? Reflections on the end of regionalism in England
an article by Keith Shaw (Northumbria University, UK) and Fred Robinson (University of Durham, UK) published in Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit Volume 33 Issue 8 (December 2018)
Abstract
Governance in the English regions has been undermined and weakened by recent structural changes. Although well established during the New Labour era, the regional level of governance in England did not survive the post-2010 process of institutional churn shaped by economic austerity and central government’s aversion to the regional level.
This has subsequently led to rescaling to the sub-regional level and the introduction of devolution ‘deals’ involving new combined authorities with elected mayors.
This article looks at the experience of North East England, where regional structures have been broken up and the region disempowered by such changes. It reviews what has happened to governance in the North East over the past 20 years and discusses why the dismantling of regional governance matters.
While the region’s external relationships with central government are problematic, it is also argued that governance problems within the region are no less important and need reforming. Longitudinal research indicates that organisations providing public services in the North East have continued to be characterised by inadequate accountability, unrepresentative governance and lack of transparency.
The combined effects of the devolutionary consequences of Brexit and the ineffectiveness of small-scale ‘devo-deal’ interventions mean that the ‘Regionalist case’ in England will need to be refashioned and restated.
The article concludes by considering the case for reintroducing regional-level governance and points to ways of bolstering the accountability and effectiveness of this level of sub-national governance.
Abstract
Governance in the English regions has been undermined and weakened by recent structural changes. Although well established during the New Labour era, the regional level of governance in England did not survive the post-2010 process of institutional churn shaped by economic austerity and central government’s aversion to the regional level.
This has subsequently led to rescaling to the sub-regional level and the introduction of devolution ‘deals’ involving new combined authorities with elected mayors.
This article looks at the experience of North East England, where regional structures have been broken up and the region disempowered by such changes. It reviews what has happened to governance in the North East over the past 20 years and discusses why the dismantling of regional governance matters.
While the region’s external relationships with central government are problematic, it is also argued that governance problems within the region are no less important and need reforming. Longitudinal research indicates that organisations providing public services in the North East have continued to be characterised by inadequate accountability, unrepresentative governance and lack of transparency.
The combined effects of the devolutionary consequences of Brexit and the ineffectiveness of small-scale ‘devo-deal’ interventions mean that the ‘Regionalist case’ in England will need to be refashioned and restated.
The article concludes by considering the case for reintroducing regional-level governance and points to ways of bolstering the accountability and effectiveness of this level of sub-national governance.
Monday, 14 January 2019
Establishing the costs of poor green space management: mistrust, financing & future development options in the UK
an article by Ian Mell (University of Manchester, UK) published in People, Place and Policy Volume 12 Issue 2 (December 2018)
Abstract
The ongoing austerity programme of the current UK government is placing stresses on Local Planning Authorities (LPAs), as they attempt to deliver statutory and discretionary services. As a discretionary service, green space provision has been identified as a service that can be cut to balance the accounts of many LPAs.
The following article assesses local government, business and residential communities, and environmental stakeholder responses to green infrastructure funding. It comments upon the politicisation of landscape management, and illustrates the mechanisms available to advocates to adopt alternative approaches to financing.
Reflecting on a series of case studies from England the article examines innovative practice, as well as identifying where conflicts remain. The article concludes that rethinking existing funding mechanisms is essential to establish a viable economic model for funding green spaces in the future.
Full text (HTML) includes an extensive bibliography which may interest some readers.
Abstract
The ongoing austerity programme of the current UK government is placing stresses on Local Planning Authorities (LPAs), as they attempt to deliver statutory and discretionary services. As a discretionary service, green space provision has been identified as a service that can be cut to balance the accounts of many LPAs.
The following article assesses local government, business and residential communities, and environmental stakeholder responses to green infrastructure funding. It comments upon the politicisation of landscape management, and illustrates the mechanisms available to advocates to adopt alternative approaches to financing.
Reflecting on a series of case studies from England the article examines innovative practice, as well as identifying where conflicts remain. The article concludes that rethinking existing funding mechanisms is essential to establish a viable economic model for funding green spaces in the future.
Full text (HTML) includes an extensive bibliography which may interest some readers.
Friday, 19 October 2018
Assessing and addressing energy vulnerability at the community scale: an interpretive case study
an article by Janice Astbury and Sandra Bell (Durham University, UK) published in People, Place and Policy Volume 12 Issue 1 (2018)
Abstract
The paper adopts a whole systems framework to identify and track efforts by local government and community organisations to address issues of energy vulnerability among residents in an urban borough.
When viewed through the lens of energy justice these activities appear to disappoint or not to reach all types of people they are intended to benefit.
Problems arise in part because the system is fractured, lacking coordination and complementarity, and also because of a failure to account for the multiple and dynamic features of energy vulnerable clients. A whole systems approach combined with a social justice perspective offers a diagnostic tool for identifying ineffective practices and points towards the creation of better integrated and thorough methods for delivering sustainable interventions.
Full text (PDF 18pp)
Abstract
The paper adopts a whole systems framework to identify and track efforts by local government and community organisations to address issues of energy vulnerability among residents in an urban borough.
When viewed through the lens of energy justice these activities appear to disappoint or not to reach all types of people they are intended to benefit.
Problems arise in part because the system is fractured, lacking coordination and complementarity, and also because of a failure to account for the multiple and dynamic features of energy vulnerable clients. A whole systems approach combined with a social justice perspective offers a diagnostic tool for identifying ineffective practices and points towards the creation of better integrated and thorough methods for delivering sustainable interventions.
Full text (PDF 18pp)
Monday, 8 October 2018
The Good, the Not So Good and the Ugly: Gender Equality, Equal Pay and Austerity in English Local Government
an article by Hazel Conley and Margaret Page (University of the West of England, UK) published in Work, Employment and Society Volume 32 Issue 4 (August 2018)
Abstract
Drawing on theories of responsive and reflexive legislation and gender mainstreaming, this article examines the implementation of the gender equality duty and the Single Status Agreement in five English local authorities between 2008 and 2010. Both of these initiatives coincided with the global financial crisis.
The data highlights how organizational restructuring following budget cuts resulted in the separation of these two important initiatives between equality and human resource management teams, preventing the duty from reaching the high expectations of the Equal Opportunities Commission and the Women and Work Commission.
The reliance on equal pay legislation and the failure to use the gender equality duty missed an opportunity to move away from adversarial forms of legislation and towards more responsive forms of regulation of pay equality.
Abstract
Drawing on theories of responsive and reflexive legislation and gender mainstreaming, this article examines the implementation of the gender equality duty and the Single Status Agreement in five English local authorities between 2008 and 2010. Both of these initiatives coincided with the global financial crisis.
The data highlights how organizational restructuring following budget cuts resulted in the separation of these two important initiatives between equality and human resource management teams, preventing the duty from reaching the high expectations of the Equal Opportunities Commission and the Women and Work Commission.
The reliance on equal pay legislation and the failure to use the gender equality duty missed an opportunity to move away from adversarial forms of legislation and towards more responsive forms of regulation of pay equality.
Tuesday, 10 April 2018
The use of Facebook by local authorities: a comparative analysis of the USA, UK and Spain
an article by F. Javier Miranda, Antonio Chamorro and Sergio Rubio (Universidad de Extremadura, Badajoz, Spain) published in Electronic Government, an International Journal Volume 14 Number 2 (2018)
Abstract
The social networks have increased the ways in which public administrations can actively interact with the public. However, these new means of communication are not always used efficiently to create an open and two-way relationship.
The purpose of this study is to analyse the presence on and use of the social network Facebook by the large councils in the USA, UK and Spain. This research adapts Facebook assessment index (FAI) to the field of local authorities.
This index assesses three dimensions:
The results show that there is no relationship between the population of the municipality and the degree of use of Facebook by the council, but there are notable differences depending on the country.
By creating this ranking, we are helping those responsible for this management to carry out benchmarking activities in order to improve their communication strategy on the social networks.
Abstract
The social networks have increased the ways in which public administrations can actively interact with the public. However, these new means of communication are not always used efficiently to create an open and two-way relationship.
The purpose of this study is to analyse the presence on and use of the social network Facebook by the large councils in the USA, UK and Spain. This research adapts Facebook assessment index (FAI) to the field of local authorities.
This index assesses three dimensions:
- popularity,
- content and
- interactivity.
The results show that there is no relationship between the population of the municipality and the degree of use of Facebook by the council, but there are notable differences depending on the country.
By creating this ranking, we are helping those responsible for this management to carry out benchmarking activities in order to improve their communication strategy on the social networks.
Wednesday, 31 January 2018
Ombudsman finds fault in seven out of ten homelessness complaints
via the Local Government Lawyer blog [thanks to Inner Temple Library] 15 December 2017
The Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman found fault in 70% of complaints about homelessness it investigated in detail in 2016/17.
In a report, Still no place like home, the LGO said it had received around 450 complaints during the year about services by English authorities. One in three of those complaints came from outside of London.
The Local Government Association called on the Government to include measures in the Local Government Finance Settlement to tackle the problems identified.The Ombudsman's report also said:
Homelessness was increasingly affecting families from areas and professions who previously might never have expected to face problems finding somewhere to live, but who had been forced to call on their local council’s help by the increasing unaffordability of private tenancies.
It was "worrying" that problems remained four years after the LGO's report on councils’ inappropriate use of bed and breakfast accommodation to house families and children. There were still “too many cases where councils are acting unlawfully by placing homeless households in bed and breakfast accommodation for lengthy periods of time”.
Families who have been stuck for significantly longer than the six-week legal limit– some for more than two years – were increasingly having to stay in conditions where damp or infestation was a problem, often affecting their physical and mental health.
The LGO’s report gives local authorities best practice guidance. It also offers councillors and scrutiny chairs a number of questions they can ask of their own authorities to ensure they challenge the number of families left in unsuitable accommodation for too long.
Michael King, Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman, said: “Our cases show many pre-conceived ideas about the people affected by homelessness simply no longer ring true. The increasing cost of private rents has meant we have seen a shift towards more people in professions such as nursing, and their families, becoming affected.
“Many of these families are being placed in poor quality accommodation, for periods significantly longer than the six-week legal limit. And we’re seeing signs the problems are growing more acute, particularly with an increase in the length of time families are having to stay in temporary accommodation.
“More worrying still, we are finding that many families are not being told of their review rights when placed in unsuitable accommodation, so they have no information on how to challenge the decision and improve their circumstances.”
Cllr Martin Tett, the Local Government Association’s Housing spokesman, said: “This research demonstrates that housing is becoming more and more unaffordable, and that urgent measures are needed to tackle our national shortage of affordable homes. Councils are facing immense pressures when it comes to temporary accommodation, having to house the equivalent of an extra secondary school’s worth of homeless children every month, and the cost of providing temporary accommodation has trebled in the last three years.
“Local authorities do all they can to place people in the best accommodation available, but the reality is that with limited housing options, councils often find themselves having to extend stays in temporary accommodation, as the only alternative is that families and individuals find themselves out on the streets. With limited housing stock and a £5.8bn overall funding shortfall by 2020, councils are doing all they can to prevent homelessness from happening in the first place, but they urgently need more funding and resources from government.
“At the root of all of this is our desperate need to supply more affordable homes in the long term, and to help people most at risk of homelessness immediately. That means the Government lifting the housing borrowing cap across the country, and allowing all councils to borrow to build, and adapting welfare reforms to make sure that housing remains affordable for low-income families, because the need is urgent, and new homes won’t appear overnight.
“These are both measures that could be taken in the upcoming Local Government Finance Settlement, and we would urge the Government to do so.”
And if anyone can easily find a copy of this 2017 report I would be grateful if you would comment on this post and let us all know where to find it.
I thought I was at least a reasonably competent information searcher but all I can find is the 2013 report (even when the link says 2017).
The Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman found fault in 70% of complaints about homelessness it investigated in detail in 2016/17.
In a report, Still no place like home, the LGO said it had received around 450 complaints during the year about services by English authorities. One in three of those complaints came from outside of London.
The Local Government Association called on the Government to include measures in the Local Government Finance Settlement to tackle the problems identified.The Ombudsman's report also said:
Homelessness was increasingly affecting families from areas and professions who previously might never have expected to face problems finding somewhere to live, but who had been forced to call on their local council’s help by the increasing unaffordability of private tenancies.
It was "worrying" that problems remained four years after the LGO's report on councils’ inappropriate use of bed and breakfast accommodation to house families and children. There were still “too many cases where councils are acting unlawfully by placing homeless households in bed and breakfast accommodation for lengthy periods of time”.
Families who have been stuck for significantly longer than the six-week legal limit– some for more than two years – were increasingly having to stay in conditions where damp or infestation was a problem, often affecting their physical and mental health.
The LGO’s report gives local authorities best practice guidance. It also offers councillors and scrutiny chairs a number of questions they can ask of their own authorities to ensure they challenge the number of families left in unsuitable accommodation for too long.
Michael King, Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman, said: “Our cases show many pre-conceived ideas about the people affected by homelessness simply no longer ring true. The increasing cost of private rents has meant we have seen a shift towards more people in professions such as nursing, and their families, becoming affected.
“Many of these families are being placed in poor quality accommodation, for periods significantly longer than the six-week legal limit. And we’re seeing signs the problems are growing more acute, particularly with an increase in the length of time families are having to stay in temporary accommodation.
“More worrying still, we are finding that many families are not being told of their review rights when placed in unsuitable accommodation, so they have no information on how to challenge the decision and improve their circumstances.”
Cllr Martin Tett, the Local Government Association’s Housing spokesman, said: “This research demonstrates that housing is becoming more and more unaffordable, and that urgent measures are needed to tackle our national shortage of affordable homes. Councils are facing immense pressures when it comes to temporary accommodation, having to house the equivalent of an extra secondary school’s worth of homeless children every month, and the cost of providing temporary accommodation has trebled in the last three years.
“Local authorities do all they can to place people in the best accommodation available, but the reality is that with limited housing options, councils often find themselves having to extend stays in temporary accommodation, as the only alternative is that families and individuals find themselves out on the streets. With limited housing stock and a £5.8bn overall funding shortfall by 2020, councils are doing all they can to prevent homelessness from happening in the first place, but they urgently need more funding and resources from government.
“At the root of all of this is our desperate need to supply more affordable homes in the long term, and to help people most at risk of homelessness immediately. That means the Government lifting the housing borrowing cap across the country, and allowing all councils to borrow to build, and adapting welfare reforms to make sure that housing remains affordable for low-income families, because the need is urgent, and new homes won’t appear overnight.
“These are both measures that could be taken in the upcoming Local Government Finance Settlement, and we would urge the Government to do so.”
And if anyone can easily find a copy of this 2017 report I would be grateful if you would comment on this post and let us all know where to find it.
I thought I was at least a reasonably competent information searcher but all I can find is the 2013 report (even when the link says 2017).
Tuesday, 7 March 2017
Green governance? Local politics and ethical businesses in Great Britain
an article by Tony Bradley and Curtis Ziniel (Liverpool Hope Business School, Liverpool, UK) published in Business Ethics: a European Review Volume 26 Issue 1 (January 2017)
Abstract
One of the least understood aspects of the world-wide “greening of markets” is the emergence of local “ethical marketplaces” and the subset of alternative business models described as “ethical businesses”. But previous research has demonstrated the ability of local politicians to encourage their regions toward more ethical marketplaces.
This paper explores the impact radical centrist third party representation has on the emergence of ethical businesses across Great Britain. To understand this relationship, we utilize a novel data set of organizations with membership in Ethical Junction, the United Kingdom’s largest network for ethical businesses.
We use a zero-inflated Poisson regression to model the connection, and find a meaningful relationship, between third-party political representation on British local councils and the presence of ethical businesses within local authorities. This presents an example of the way in which radical political change may be part of a wider social movement toward greening markets.
Full text (PDF)
Abstract
One of the least understood aspects of the world-wide “greening of markets” is the emergence of local “ethical marketplaces” and the subset of alternative business models described as “ethical businesses”. But previous research has demonstrated the ability of local politicians to encourage their regions toward more ethical marketplaces.
This paper explores the impact radical centrist third party representation has on the emergence of ethical businesses across Great Britain. To understand this relationship, we utilize a novel data set of organizations with membership in Ethical Junction, the United Kingdom’s largest network for ethical businesses.
We use a zero-inflated Poisson regression to model the connection, and find a meaningful relationship, between third-party political representation on British local councils and the presence of ethical businesses within local authorities. This presents an example of the way in which radical political change may be part of a wider social movement toward greening markets.
Full text (PDF)
Tuesday, 5 March 2013
Public duty and private prejudice: sexualities equalities and local government
an article by Diane Richardson and Surya Monro (Newcastle University, UK) published in The Sociological Review Volume 61 Issue 1 (February 2013)
Abstract
Rather than critiquing social institutions and practices that have historically excluded lesbians and gay men, as did earlier social movements in the 1960s and 1970s, since the 1990s the politics of sexuality has increasingly been about demanding equal rights of citizenship.
These citizenship demands have, at least to a degree, been answered via a raft of recent legislation in the UK including the Adoption and Children Act 2002, Employment Equality (Sexual Orientation) Regulations 2003, Gender Recognition Act 2004 and the Civil Partnership Act 2004, and by associated changes in policy making and practice that emphasise ‘Equality and Diversity’.
In this article we consider how the implementation of sexualities equalities policies is related to processes of privatisation and individualisation. This is illustrated by using sexualities equalities work in local government as a case study to indicate how processes of change and resistance are aided by these processes.
The article draws on findings from a study of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) equalities initiatives in local government in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, which examined the views of those who now have a public duty to implement recent legislative and policy shifts and are obliged to develop equalities initiatives concerning ‘sexual orientation' and ‘gender reassignment’.
Full text (PDF 22pp)
Abstract
Rather than critiquing social institutions and practices that have historically excluded lesbians and gay men, as did earlier social movements in the 1960s and 1970s, since the 1990s the politics of sexuality has increasingly been about demanding equal rights of citizenship.
These citizenship demands have, at least to a degree, been answered via a raft of recent legislation in the UK including the Adoption and Children Act 2002, Employment Equality (Sexual Orientation) Regulations 2003, Gender Recognition Act 2004 and the Civil Partnership Act 2004, and by associated changes in policy making and practice that emphasise ‘Equality and Diversity’.
In this article we consider how the implementation of sexualities equalities policies is related to processes of privatisation and individualisation. This is illustrated by using sexualities equalities work in local government as a case study to indicate how processes of change and resistance are aided by these processes.
The article draws on findings from a study of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) equalities initiatives in local government in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, which examined the views of those who now have a public duty to implement recent legislative and policy shifts and are obliged to develop equalities initiatives concerning ‘sexual orientation' and ‘gender reassignment’.
Full text (PDF 22pp)
Tuesday, 22 January 2013
Are generic strategies ‘fit for purpose’ in a public service context?
an article by Ian R. Hodgkinson (Loughborough University, UK) published in Public Policy and Administration Volume 28 Number 1 (January 2013)
Abstract
The environment in which public sector organisations operate is becoming ever more volatile, with such organisations increasingly facing the dual pressures of growing customer expectations coupled with significant budget reductions.
This study presents an exploratory research model to uncover significant relationships between generic strategies and the business and social performance of public leisure providers, in an attempt to ascertain if generic strategies are fit for purpose in the public leisure sector.
The findings suggest that low cost and price-based strategies are inadequate for service delivery. Rather, a hybrid strategy – which seeks to add value while also having a cost base that permits low prices – is deemed fit for purpose in the public leisure sector, satisfying the dual strategic agenda of public leisure providers.
This study provides contributions to the strategic management, public management, and leisure services literatures.
Abstract
The environment in which public sector organisations operate is becoming ever more volatile, with such organisations increasingly facing the dual pressures of growing customer expectations coupled with significant budget reductions.
This study presents an exploratory research model to uncover significant relationships between generic strategies and the business and social performance of public leisure providers, in an attempt to ascertain if generic strategies are fit for purpose in the public leisure sector.
The findings suggest that low cost and price-based strategies are inadequate for service delivery. Rather, a hybrid strategy – which seeks to add value while also having a cost base that permits low prices – is deemed fit for purpose in the public leisure sector, satisfying the dual strategic agenda of public leisure providers.
This study provides contributions to the strategic management, public management, and leisure services literatures.
Thursday, 17 January 2013
Managing for local resilience: towards a strategic approach
an article by Keith Shaw (Northumbria University, Newcastle, UK) published in Public Policy and Administration Volume 28 Number 1 (January 2013)
Abstract
The term resilience is increasingly being used to capture the challenges involved in managing in ‘hard times’.
This article aims to provide one of the first empirical studies of the term’s application to local authority interventions around emergency planning and climate change: two areas in which resilience has been particularly emphasised in local policy making.
Drawing upon research undertaken in the north east of England, the article considers how local managers have understood and applied the term, the extent to which it has been developed as a coherent policy agenda, and its strategic significance.
In reframing the debate on resilience in terms of discourses of ‘recovery’ and ‘transformation’, the article examines how, in addition to informing policy realities on the ground, resilience is also a normative, politically laden term, within which conservative narratives of uncertainty, vulnerability and anxiety compete with a more radical focus on hope, adaptation and transformation.
The study reveals concerns over the term’s longevity, tensions between the different interpretations of resilience, and the lack of a coherent strategic framework within which the different discourses on resilience could be considered and reconciled.
However, the article also captures the growing importance of a resilience narrative that is seen to add value in a period of austerity, integrate key features of climate change adaptation and emergency planning, and act as a ‘strategic lynchpin’ in relation to other policy areas, such as economic resilience.
Abstract
The term resilience is increasingly being used to capture the challenges involved in managing in ‘hard times’.
This article aims to provide one of the first empirical studies of the term’s application to local authority interventions around emergency planning and climate change: two areas in which resilience has been particularly emphasised in local policy making.
Drawing upon research undertaken in the north east of England, the article considers how local managers have understood and applied the term, the extent to which it has been developed as a coherent policy agenda, and its strategic significance.
In reframing the debate on resilience in terms of discourses of ‘recovery’ and ‘transformation’, the article examines how, in addition to informing policy realities on the ground, resilience is also a normative, politically laden term, within which conservative narratives of uncertainty, vulnerability and anxiety compete with a more radical focus on hope, adaptation and transformation.
The study reveals concerns over the term’s longevity, tensions between the different interpretations of resilience, and the lack of a coherent strategic framework within which the different discourses on resilience could be considered and reconciled.
However, the article also captures the growing importance of a resilience narrative that is seen to add value in a period of austerity, integrate key features of climate change adaptation and emergency planning, and act as a ‘strategic lynchpin’ in relation to other policy areas, such as economic resilience.
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