an article by Vandana (Jagannath International Management School, New Delhi, India) and Vinod Kumar (International Management Institute, New Delhi, India) published in International Journal of Business Innovation and Research Volume 16 Number 2 (2018)
Abstract
The present research investigated the impact of anthropomorphised product and animal on pester power among children.
To achieve this objective, a scale on anthropomorphism is developed and two independent studies have been carried out to test the reliability and validity of the developed scale taking children and parents as respondents. Findings of the study revealed a significant impact of anthropomorphism on pester power.
However, anthropomorphic animals are found to be more impactful than anthropomorphic products in influencing pester behaviour among children. Moreover, parent respondents revealed that anthropomorphic stimuli create significant impact in generating pester behaviour among children.
On the contrary, child respondents did not disclose their impact on their behaviour in similar way. The study thus provides implications for marketers, academician and government.
Showing posts with label parents. Show all posts
Showing posts with label parents. Show all posts
Sunday, 17 June 2018
Saturday, 5 May 2018
Childfree, Childless, and Childcare – They All Attract Bias in the Workplace
a guest post by Tasha Mellins-Cohen for The Scholarly Kitchen blog
“Officially, it’s because the other candidate was a better cultural fit for the organization. Unofficially, they think you are a maternity risk.”
That’s a direct quote from a recruitment consultant circa 2008, telling me that I’d not been offered a job. I can’t even begin to list all the problems in that statement, because there are just so damn many of them. My response to that recruitment consultant all those years ago was that (a) I didn’t want to work for such a bigoted company, and (b) I’m childfree by choice. Childfree, not childless: my life does not lack for children, they just don’t live in my house, eat my food, or require me to in any way be responsible. And by choice, not circumstance: I could have them, but have chosen not to after long and careful consideration of the options.
Let’s take a step back: I am privileged. My parents are hot on education, and pushed me to achieve my potential by sending me to a single-sex grammar school and encouraging me to obtain undergraduate and postgraduate degrees. I am white, middle class, and cis-gendered. I own property (okay, the bank owns it, but it’s my name on the deed) and have managed to pay off my student loans, credit cards, and car loans. Life is good!
However, I can’t help but think that it would be easier, though not better, if I was a man – or if I stuck to the “Life Script”. You know, the one that goes school → university → job → marriage → babies. It’s not a bad script, it just doesn’t work for everyone. For example, while just 9% of English and Welsh women born in 1946 had no children, for those born in 1970 the proportion is 17%, and in Japan the proportion of women without children has risen from 11% for women born in 1953 to 27% for women born in 1970. The latest estimates are that one in five women in the US and Europe will enter menopause without having had a child.
In many cases, higher educational attainment and higher income are associated with childlessness – the 2004 US Census, for instance, showed that nearly half of women with incomes over $100,000, and 25% of those aged between 40 and 44 who held a bachelor’s degree or higher qualification, were childless. We are a pretty significant minority, so in light of the recent amazing posts on The Scholarly Kitchen discussing diversity and inclusivity I feel it’s time to speak out for us.
Continue reading
“Officially, it’s because the other candidate was a better cultural fit for the organization. Unofficially, they think you are a maternity risk.”
That’s a direct quote from a recruitment consultant circa 2008, telling me that I’d not been offered a job. I can’t even begin to list all the problems in that statement, because there are just so damn many of them. My response to that recruitment consultant all those years ago was that (a) I didn’t want to work for such a bigoted company, and (b) I’m childfree by choice. Childfree, not childless: my life does not lack for children, they just don’t live in my house, eat my food, or require me to in any way be responsible. And by choice, not circumstance: I could have them, but have chosen not to after long and careful consideration of the options.
Let’s take a step back: I am privileged. My parents are hot on education, and pushed me to achieve my potential by sending me to a single-sex grammar school and encouraging me to obtain undergraduate and postgraduate degrees. I am white, middle class, and cis-gendered. I own property (okay, the bank owns it, but it’s my name on the deed) and have managed to pay off my student loans, credit cards, and car loans. Life is good!
However, I can’t help but think that it would be easier, though not better, if I was a man – or if I stuck to the “Life Script”. You know, the one that goes school → university → job → marriage → babies. It’s not a bad script, it just doesn’t work for everyone. For example, while just 9% of English and Welsh women born in 1946 had no children, for those born in 1970 the proportion is 17%, and in Japan the proportion of women without children has risen from 11% for women born in 1953 to 27% for women born in 1970. The latest estimates are that one in five women in the US and Europe will enter menopause without having had a child.
In many cases, higher educational attainment and higher income are associated with childlessness – the 2004 US Census, for instance, showed that nearly half of women with incomes over $100,000, and 25% of those aged between 40 and 44 who held a bachelor’s degree or higher qualification, were childless. We are a pretty significant minority, so in light of the recent amazing posts on The Scholarly Kitchen discussing diversity and inclusivity I feel it’s time to speak out for us.
Continue reading
Tuesday, 3 April 2018
Parents, local house prices, and leaving home in Britain
an article by Sait Bayrakdar (University of Cambridge, UK) and Rory Coulter (UCL, London, UK) published in Population, Space and Place Volume 24 Issue 2 (March 2018)
Abstract
Leaving the parental home is a significant step in young adults' housing careers and pathways to independence. Although a large literature examines how life course trajectories influence leaving home, much less is known about how the “linked lives” of parents and the local cost of housing shape young people's departures from the family residence.
By enriching the U.K. Household Longitudinal Study with house price data, this study investigates how parental attributes and the geography of local housing costs influence home leaving in contemporary Britain. The results show that higher local house prices are associated with delayed departure from the parental home, although the relative magnitude of this effect is modest.
By contrast, the effects of parental factors are more nuanced. Parental characteristics have little impact on the odds of leaving home to form partnerships, whereas the likelihood of departing to live alone or in shared accommodation is reduced by parental homeownership or living with both biological parents.
Taken together, these findings suggest that young adults' residential pathways are shaped by the complex patterns of choice and constraint that are generated by disparities in family circumstances and local opportunity structures.
Full text (PDF 13pp)
Abstract
Leaving the parental home is a significant step in young adults' housing careers and pathways to independence. Although a large literature examines how life course trajectories influence leaving home, much less is known about how the “linked lives” of parents and the local cost of housing shape young people's departures from the family residence.
By enriching the U.K. Household Longitudinal Study with house price data, this study investigates how parental attributes and the geography of local housing costs influence home leaving in contemporary Britain. The results show that higher local house prices are associated with delayed departure from the parental home, although the relative magnitude of this effect is modest.
By contrast, the effects of parental factors are more nuanced. Parental characteristics have little impact on the odds of leaving home to form partnerships, whereas the likelihood of departing to live alone or in shared accommodation is reduced by parental homeownership or living with both biological parents.
Taken together, these findings suggest that young adults' residential pathways are shaped by the complex patterns of choice and constraint that are generated by disparities in family circumstances and local opportunity structures.
Full text (PDF 13pp)
Thursday, 30 November 2017
New perspectives on the positioning of parents in children’s bullying at school
an article by Nina Hein (Aarhus University, Copenhagen, Denmark) published in British Journal of Sociology of Education Volume 38 Issue 8 (2017)
Abstract
This article explores the subject of parents with respect to children’s bullying at school. The overarching claim is that parental agency and positions on children’s bullying at school are produced and made possible by an apparatus of multiple, concurrent forces that provide poor conditions for a constructive partnership between parents and schools in cases of bullying.
This research adds to the existing literature in the field by suggesting that the connections between schools, parents and their children’s social behaviour at school must be seen as complexly entangled and involving a range of forces at local, societal and political levels.
Furthermore, based on an emergent research design, the article contributes to the discussion of post-qualitative research, drawing upon varied, qualitative empirical material and analytically experimenting with combining Adele Clarke’s idea of situational analysis and Karen Barad’s concepts of intra-action and apparatus.
Abstract
This article explores the subject of parents with respect to children’s bullying at school. The overarching claim is that parental agency and positions on children’s bullying at school are produced and made possible by an apparatus of multiple, concurrent forces that provide poor conditions for a constructive partnership between parents and schools in cases of bullying.
This research adds to the existing literature in the field by suggesting that the connections between schools, parents and their children’s social behaviour at school must be seen as complexly entangled and involving a range of forces at local, societal and political levels.
Furthermore, based on an emergent research design, the article contributes to the discussion of post-qualitative research, drawing upon varied, qualitative empirical material and analytically experimenting with combining Adele Clarke’s idea of situational analysis and Karen Barad’s concepts of intra-action and apparatus.
Tuesday, 11 June 2013
Negotiating Time and Space for Study: Student-parents and Familial Relationships
an article by Rachel Brooks (University of Surrey, UK) published in Sociology Volume 47 Number 3 (June 2013)
Abstract
Historically, university cultures have been described as masculine in orientation, and the ‘ideal learner’ as male, white, middle-class and unencumbered by domestic responsibility.
Nevertheless, more recent work has highlighted certain spaces within the higher education sector which, it is argued, are more welcoming of female students and those with family commitments. While there may now be more institutional spaces open to student-parents and others with caring responsibilities, we know little about whether similar change has been wrought in the domestic sphere.
Drawing on interviews with 68 student-parents, this article explores the various strategies UK students with dependent children used to find time and space, within the home, to pursue their studies.
By comparing these to the strategies used by student-parents at Danish universities, the article considers the extent to which differences in gender norms and state policy with respect to both higher education and childcare affect day-to-day familial practices.
Abstract
Historically, university cultures have been described as masculine in orientation, and the ‘ideal learner’ as male, white, middle-class and unencumbered by domestic responsibility.
Nevertheless, more recent work has highlighted certain spaces within the higher education sector which, it is argued, are more welcoming of female students and those with family commitments. While there may now be more institutional spaces open to student-parents and others with caring responsibilities, we know little about whether similar change has been wrought in the domestic sphere.
Drawing on interviews with 68 student-parents, this article explores the various strategies UK students with dependent children used to find time and space, within the home, to pursue their studies.
By comparing these to the strategies used by student-parents at Danish universities, the article considers the extent to which differences in gender norms and state policy with respect to both higher education and childcare affect day-to-day familial practices.
Wednesday, 19 December 2012
Challenges in combining work and care: Evidence from investigating women’s work in Leeds
an article by Sue Yeandle and Viktoria Joynes (University of Leeds, UK) published in Local Economy Volume 27 Number 8 (December 2012)
Abstract
Using official data and other evidence about the people and economy of the city of Leeds, England, and focusing on one decade, the 2000s, this article considers employment trends and policy developments relevant to parents’ and carers’ capacity to combine work and care.
Highlighting the dynamic nature of labour supply and demand in the Leeds local labour market, the article examines the impact of developments in the local infrastructure of support for caring and parenting and the availability and level of social security and welfare.
The discussion explores the extent to which a decade of unprecedented policy attention to childcare and caring affected the challenges facing parents and carers who wish to combine work and care, and asks whether the progress achieved is likely to be sustainable in a following decade of economic austerity.
Abstract
Using official data and other evidence about the people and economy of the city of Leeds, England, and focusing on one decade, the 2000s, this article considers employment trends and policy developments relevant to parents’ and carers’ capacity to combine work and care.
Highlighting the dynamic nature of labour supply and demand in the Leeds local labour market, the article examines the impact of developments in the local infrastructure of support for caring and parenting and the availability and level of social security and welfare.
The discussion explores the extent to which a decade of unprecedented policy attention to childcare and caring affected the challenges facing parents and carers who wish to combine work and care, and asks whether the progress achieved is likely to be sustainable in a following decade of economic austerity.
Wednesday, 11 January 2012
Parents’ perspectives on technology and children’s learning in the home: …
social class and the role of the habitus
an article by S. Hollingworth, A. Mansaray, K. Allen and A. Rose (Institute for Policy Studies in Education (IPSE), London Metropolitan University) published in Journal of Computer Assisted Learning Volume 27 Issue 4 (August 2011)
Abstract
Government attention (in England and elsewhere) has been drawn to the role of technology in supporting learning in families. However, sociologists of education highlight that parent’s ability to engage with their children’s education and learning is not a straightforward issue.
Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, this paper attempts to open up a space for examination of the differential experiences of parents from different social class backgrounds, of technology in the home, and how this informs the potential they see for family learning using technology. We use Bourdieu’s concepts of ‘cultural and economic capital’ and ‘habitus’ to explore several themes.
Firstly, the paper explores the impact of material inequalities of access on families and how this structures parental engagement with technology in relation to their children's schooling;
secondly, how the harms and risks of technology are differentially experienced, negotiated and managed by parents from different social class backgrounds – with varying amounts of social and cultural resources available to them;
thirdly, through discussion of the ‘generation gap’, we examine the significance of the parents’ working lives (in terms of the privileged forms of engagement with technology, which professional employment increasingly requires and facilitates) in shaping parents’ own relationships to education and learning.
an article by S. Hollingworth, A. Mansaray, K. Allen and A. Rose (Institute for Policy Studies in Education (IPSE), London Metropolitan University) published in Journal of Computer Assisted Learning Volume 27 Issue 4 (August 2011)
Abstract
Government attention (in England and elsewhere) has been drawn to the role of technology in supporting learning in families. However, sociologists of education highlight that parent’s ability to engage with their children’s education and learning is not a straightforward issue.
Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, this paper attempts to open up a space for examination of the differential experiences of parents from different social class backgrounds, of technology in the home, and how this informs the potential they see for family learning using technology. We use Bourdieu’s concepts of ‘cultural and economic capital’ and ‘habitus’ to explore several themes.
Firstly, the paper explores the impact of material inequalities of access on families and how this structures parental engagement with technology in relation to their children's schooling;
secondly, how the harms and risks of technology are differentially experienced, negotiated and managed by parents from different social class backgrounds – with varying amounts of social and cultural resources available to them;
thirdly, through discussion of the ‘generation gap’, we examine the significance of the parents’ working lives (in terms of the privileged forms of engagement with technology, which professional employment increasingly requires and facilitates) in shaping parents’ own relationships to education and learning.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
