an article by Robert Gorwa (University of Oxford, UK) published in Information, Communication & Society Volume 22 Issue 6 (2019)
Abstract
Following a host of high-profile scandals, the political influence of platform companies (the global corporations that that operate online ‘platforms’ such as Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube, and many other online services) is slowly being re-evaluated.
Amidst growing calls to regulate these companies and make them more democratically accountable, and a host of policy interventions that are actively being pursued in Europe and beyond, a better understanding of how platform practices, policies, and affordances (in effect, how platforms govern) interact with the external political forces trying to shape those practices and policies is needed.
Building on digital media and communication scholarship as well as governance literature from political science and international relations, the aim of this article is to map an interdisciplinary research agenda for platform governance, a concept intended to capture the layers of governance relationships structuring interactions between key parties in today's platform society, including platform companies, users, advertisers, governments, and other political actors.
Showing posts with label accountability. Show all posts
Showing posts with label accountability. Show all posts
Wednesday, 3 April 2019
Tuesday, 22 January 2019
Whatever happened to the North East? Reflections on the end of regionalism in England
an article by Keith Shaw (Northumbria University, UK) and Fred Robinson (University of Durham, UK) published in Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit Volume 33 Issue 8 (December 2018)
Abstract
Governance in the English regions has been undermined and weakened by recent structural changes. Although well established during the New Labour era, the regional level of governance in England did not survive the post-2010 process of institutional churn shaped by economic austerity and central government’s aversion to the regional level.
This has subsequently led to rescaling to the sub-regional level and the introduction of devolution ‘deals’ involving new combined authorities with elected mayors.
This article looks at the experience of North East England, where regional structures have been broken up and the region disempowered by such changes. It reviews what has happened to governance in the North East over the past 20 years and discusses why the dismantling of regional governance matters.
While the region’s external relationships with central government are problematic, it is also argued that governance problems within the region are no less important and need reforming. Longitudinal research indicates that organisations providing public services in the North East have continued to be characterised by inadequate accountability, unrepresentative governance and lack of transparency.
The combined effects of the devolutionary consequences of Brexit and the ineffectiveness of small-scale ‘devo-deal’ interventions mean that the ‘Regionalist case’ in England will need to be refashioned and restated.
The article concludes by considering the case for reintroducing regional-level governance and points to ways of bolstering the accountability and effectiveness of this level of sub-national governance.
Abstract
Governance in the English regions has been undermined and weakened by recent structural changes. Although well established during the New Labour era, the regional level of governance in England did not survive the post-2010 process of institutional churn shaped by economic austerity and central government’s aversion to the regional level.
This has subsequently led to rescaling to the sub-regional level and the introduction of devolution ‘deals’ involving new combined authorities with elected mayors.
This article looks at the experience of North East England, where regional structures have been broken up and the region disempowered by such changes. It reviews what has happened to governance in the North East over the past 20 years and discusses why the dismantling of regional governance matters.
While the region’s external relationships with central government are problematic, it is also argued that governance problems within the region are no less important and need reforming. Longitudinal research indicates that organisations providing public services in the North East have continued to be characterised by inadequate accountability, unrepresentative governance and lack of transparency.
The combined effects of the devolutionary consequences of Brexit and the ineffectiveness of small-scale ‘devo-deal’ interventions mean that the ‘Regionalist case’ in England will need to be refashioned and restated.
The article concludes by considering the case for reintroducing regional-level governance and points to ways of bolstering the accountability and effectiveness of this level of sub-national governance.
Saturday, 24 March 2018
Identifying Schools With High Usage and High Loss of Newly Qualified Teachers
an article by Sam Sims and Rebecca Allen (UCL Institute of Education, London, UK) published in UCL Institute of Education. Volume 243 Issue 1 (2018)
Abstract
In England, teacher shortages have worsened in recent years and one contributor is the declining rates of retention among newly qualified teachers (NQTs).
We employ a method developed in the health-statistics literature to identify schools that both recruit an unusually high level of NQTs and lose an unusually high level of NQTs from the profession.
We show that this small group of schools, which are likely characterised by poor working conditions, are responsible for a disproportionately large amount of attrition from the teaching profession. This has a material effect on overall teacher shortages and comes at a high cost to taxpayers.
Policy solutions, including improving the flow of information to NQTs to help them avoid such schools, are discussed.
JEL classification: I21, D82, J45, J63
Hazel’s comment
If NQTs avoid these schools will they not fall further behind? Would it not be a more viable option to improve the schools?
Please note that I have only read the abstract to this article, it is possible that school improvement is suggested in the full article.
Abstract
In England, teacher shortages have worsened in recent years and one contributor is the declining rates of retention among newly qualified teachers (NQTs).
We employ a method developed in the health-statistics literature to identify schools that both recruit an unusually high level of NQTs and lose an unusually high level of NQTs from the profession.
We show that this small group of schools, which are likely characterised by poor working conditions, are responsible for a disproportionately large amount of attrition from the teaching profession. This has a material effect on overall teacher shortages and comes at a high cost to taxpayers.
Policy solutions, including improving the flow of information to NQTs to help them avoid such schools, are discussed.
JEL classification: I21, D82, J45, J63
Hazel’s comment
If NQTs avoid these schools will they not fall further behind? Would it not be a more viable option to improve the schools?
Please note that I have only read the abstract to this article, it is possible that school improvement is suggested in the full article.
Monday, 12 February 2018
Accountability, governance and performance in UK charities
an article by Giulia Bellante, Laura Berardi,Eugenia Nissi and Michele A. Rea (G. D'Annunzio University, Pescara, Italy) and Silke Machold (University of Wolverhampton Business School, UK) published in International Journal of Business Performance Management Volume 19 Number 1 (2018)
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to analyse the relationship between governance characteristics of a sample of 200 UK non-profit organisations (NPOs) and their performance, considered as their ability to collect financial resources. Using a regression analysis, we verify strong positive relationships between the NPOs financial performance and CEO duality and board size.
Further analyses show that if the charities increase their level of accountability through the use of additional voluntary disclosure mechanisms and tools such as the use of social networks, these relationships are confirmed.
The results of our research have implications for policy makers that seek to strengthen governance of NPOs, and for boards and managers of NPOs who wish to develop their organisations’ performance.
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to analyse the relationship between governance characteristics of a sample of 200 UK non-profit organisations (NPOs) and their performance, considered as their ability to collect financial resources. Using a regression analysis, we verify strong positive relationships between the NPOs financial performance and CEO duality and board size.
Further analyses show that if the charities increase their level of accountability through the use of additional voluntary disclosure mechanisms and tools such as the use of social networks, these relationships are confirmed.
The results of our research have implications for policy makers that seek to strengthen governance of NPOs, and for boards and managers of NPOs who wish to develop their organisations’ performance.
Friday, 3 November 2017
Careers work in England’s schools: politics, practices and prospects
an article by Deirdre Hughes (University of Warwick Institute for Employment Research, Coventry, UK) published in British Journal of Guidance & Counselling Volume 45 Issue 4 (2017)
Abstract
This article provides a five-year historical synopsis of how central government policies are impacting on careers work in England’s secondary schools. It shows attempts to reshape and re-engineer careers provision for young people, through an evolving careers experiment.
The extent to which such exogenous arrangements are facilitating and/or impeding progress to secure independent and impartial careers guidance for young people is considered.
Some brief comparisons are made to other national careers policy developments in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales.
A blame culture and evidence-based rhetoric has crept into England’s policy discourse. The career development profession has largely been left on the periphery of the careers experiment and this article seeks explanations of this oversight.
There are tensions yet to be resolved when it comes to a quasi-market experiment in careers work and the role of government.
Key lessons learned are outlined for consideration by policy-makers, academic and practitioners both within and outside of the UK.
Abstract
This article provides a five-year historical synopsis of how central government policies are impacting on careers work in England’s secondary schools. It shows attempts to reshape and re-engineer careers provision for young people, through an evolving careers experiment.
The extent to which such exogenous arrangements are facilitating and/or impeding progress to secure independent and impartial careers guidance for young people is considered.
Some brief comparisons are made to other national careers policy developments in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales.
A blame culture and evidence-based rhetoric has crept into England’s policy discourse. The career development profession has largely been left on the periphery of the careers experiment and this article seeks explanations of this oversight.
There are tensions yet to be resolved when it comes to a quasi-market experiment in careers work and the role of government.
Key lessons learned are outlined for consideration by policy-makers, academic and practitioners both within and outside of the UK.
Thursday, 26 January 2017
The impact of the austerity measures to confront the economic crisis on the EU objectives and EU values
an article by Despina Anagnostopoulou (University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, Greece) published in International Journal of Diplomacy and Economy Volume 3, Number 2 (2016)
Abstract
According to the EU Treaties, the EU economic policy coordination should serve the objectives of the EU, among which is the promotion of the EU values.
The paper demonstrates that:
Abstract
According to the EU Treaties, the EU economic policy coordination should serve the objectives of the EU, among which is the promotion of the EU values.
The paper demonstrates that:
- the EU values and objectives as well as the Charter of Fundamental Rights are binding on the EU institutions, even when they are acting outside the EU legal order (e.g., when drafting the MoUs);
- democratic principles are lacking in the EMU patchwork, especially in the case of member states under adjustment programmes;
- the national constitutional courts have recently ruled that equality and dignity were infringed by the laws implementing the MoUs, and so did the European Committee of Social Rights as far as social rights are concerned.
Friday, 16 January 2015
What the Greeks taught us and we British have forgotten
an article by
Howard James Elcock (Northumbria University, Newcastle upon Tyne) published in Public Policy and Administration Volume 29 Number 3 (July 2014)
Abstract
The ancient Greek philosophers taught us many of the desirable features of government, but since 1979 we have lost sight of most of them. We now have a restricted view of citizenship, a defective view of the public interest, a diluted public service ethic, little public service education and training and above all we have lost sight of the Greeks’ demand to seek the good life and the good society.
Instead we have the ‘Three Es’ and a business approach which is profit led.
Leadership and action are needed to restore the former virtues of British government, many of which were learnt from Plato and Aristotle.
Hazel’s comment:
When I first became a civil servant in 1971 the emphasis was on the true meaning of both of those words.
I had to be civil – even when asked whether I knew when the next bus into town was. A frequent happening as a direct result of the Jobcentre having a bus stop right outside.
And I had to provide a service – to both employers and jobseekers and provide value for money to my paymaster.
Abstract
The ancient Greek philosophers taught us many of the desirable features of government, but since 1979 we have lost sight of most of them. We now have a restricted view of citizenship, a defective view of the public interest, a diluted public service ethic, little public service education and training and above all we have lost sight of the Greeks’ demand to seek the good life and the good society.
Instead we have the ‘Three Es’ and a business approach which is profit led.
Leadership and action are needed to restore the former virtues of British government, many of which were learnt from Plato and Aristotle.
Hazel’s comment:
When I first became a civil servant in 1971 the emphasis was on the true meaning of both of those words.
I had to be civil – even when asked whether I knew when the next bus into town was. A frequent happening as a direct result of the Jobcentre having a bus stop right outside.
And I had to provide a service – to both employers and jobseekers and provide value for money to my paymaster.
Wednesday, 12 June 2013
Continuing Professional Development: Accountability, Autonomy, Efficiency and Equity in Five Professions
an article by Hywel Thomas and Tian Qiu (Centre for Research in Medical and Dental Education, University of Birmingham, UK) published in British Journal of Educational Studies Volume 61 Issue 2 (June 2013)
Abstract
We examine the influence of neo-liberalism in re-shaping the accountability of five professional groups (accountants, solicitors, social workers, nurses and doctors) and its consequence for their CPD policies. Documentary analysis and Quarterly Labour Force Survey data (n=31,260) from the 1990s to the present are integrated in a comparative method which examines whether changes are specific to a profession or represent more general patterns.
Using complementary theories from neo-liberal economics and the sociology of professionalism, we show how regulatory oversight has altered accountabilities. Its consequences for the autonomy of professions and individuals in determining CPD requirements differ amongst the five groups, mediated by status, public concern, regulator activism and, possibly, alignment with the financial sector.
Efficiency and equity are analysed using theories of professional learning and human capital.
Wider economic conditions influence the incidence of CPD with recent years showing declining participation; we also show changes in ‘what counts’ as CPD and its greater integration with performance management. Findings on selected equity criteria are also reported.
Some regulators are becoming more specific about the content of CPD, while others are defining what constitutes good practice and requiring its use in planning CPD. Greater attention is being given to issues of ethics and probity.
Abstract
We examine the influence of neo-liberalism in re-shaping the accountability of five professional groups (accountants, solicitors, social workers, nurses and doctors) and its consequence for their CPD policies. Documentary analysis and Quarterly Labour Force Survey data (n=31,260) from the 1990s to the present are integrated in a comparative method which examines whether changes are specific to a profession or represent more general patterns.
Using complementary theories from neo-liberal economics and the sociology of professionalism, we show how regulatory oversight has altered accountabilities. Its consequences for the autonomy of professions and individuals in determining CPD requirements differ amongst the five groups, mediated by status, public concern, regulator activism and, possibly, alignment with the financial sector.
Efficiency and equity are analysed using theories of professional learning and human capital.
Wider economic conditions influence the incidence of CPD with recent years showing declining participation; we also show changes in ‘what counts’ as CPD and its greater integration with performance management. Findings on selected equity criteria are also reported.
Some regulators are becoming more specific about the content of CPD, while others are defining what constitutes good practice and requiring its use in planning CPD. Greater attention is being given to issues of ethics and probity.
Monday, 20 May 2013
The scaling-up of assessment in one institution
an article by Ray Van Dyke (Office of Assessment and Evaluation, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, USA) published in European Journal of Higher Education Volume 3 Issue 1 (March 2013)
Abstract
Given increasing emphasis on assessment and accountability across the globe in higher education, it is clear that individual institutions must take action and provide evidence in response to these concerns.
This article provides an example of how one university has developed a central office for assessment, facilitated the development of an assessment process across the university and in departments and programmes, and provides assessment services to the institution that include both academic and administrative areas.
Abstract
Given increasing emphasis on assessment and accountability across the globe in higher education, it is clear that individual institutions must take action and provide evidence in response to these concerns.
This article provides an example of how one university has developed a central office for assessment, facilitated the development of an assessment process across the university and in departments and programmes, and provides assessment services to the institution that include both academic and administrative areas.
Thursday, 25 October 2012
What’s wrong with this picture? The case of access to information requests in two continental federal states – Germany and Switzerland
an article by Sarah Holsen (Swiss Graduate School of Public Administration, Lausanne) published in Public Policy and Administration Volume 27 Number 4 (October 2012)
Abstract
More than 80 access to information (ATI) laws exist worldwide. Their primary objectives are to increase transparency and accountability in government. Given the similarity in the components of ATI laws across countries, one could expect per capita usage of the laws to be roughly similar.
However, comparing the number of requests in seven countries, we found that far fewer requests are being made in Switzerland and Germany than in Canada, Ireland, Mexico, India, and the UK and that, in contrast to these five, the number is not increasing.
Drawing on 28 semi-structured interviews with experts on the Swiss Law on Transparency (LTrans) and German FOI Law (IFG), we offer three primary explanations for the low use of the laws.
The first is that few people are aware of the law in either country as a consequence of little promotion of the laws.
The second is that people might have more interest in information held at the state or local level than at the federal level.
The third is that other avenues to information in Switzerland reduce interest in using the LTrans and a culture of “amtsgeheimnis”, or official secrecy, in Germany inhibits the administration from willingly disclosing information.
We examine these hypotheses against the situation in the UK, where awareness of the FOI law is known to be high and the number of requests is high and has been on the rise for the past four years.
Abstract
More than 80 access to information (ATI) laws exist worldwide. Their primary objectives are to increase transparency and accountability in government. Given the similarity in the components of ATI laws across countries, one could expect per capita usage of the laws to be roughly similar.
However, comparing the number of requests in seven countries, we found that far fewer requests are being made in Switzerland and Germany than in Canada, Ireland, Mexico, India, and the UK and that, in contrast to these five, the number is not increasing.
Drawing on 28 semi-structured interviews with experts on the Swiss Law on Transparency (LTrans) and German FOI Law (IFG), we offer three primary explanations for the low use of the laws.
The first is that few people are aware of the law in either country as a consequence of little promotion of the laws.
The second is that people might have more interest in information held at the state or local level than at the federal level.
The third is that other avenues to information in Switzerland reduce interest in using the LTrans and a culture of “amtsgeheimnis”, or official secrecy, in Germany inhibits the administration from willingly disclosing information.
We examine these hypotheses against the situation in the UK, where awareness of the FOI law is known to be high and the number of requests is high and has been on the rise for the past four years.
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