an article by Mary Kaldor published in Eurozine
Dialogue between western European peace movements and human rights groups in the East made a crucial contribution to overcoming the division of the continent and laid the foundations for a global language of transnational civil society and humanitarianism.
The argument that ’89 was all about ‘catching up’ with the West overlooks this history.
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Showing posts with label social_movements. Show all posts
Showing posts with label social_movements. Show all posts
Wednesday, 4 December 2019
Tuesday, 10 September 2019
Populism, inequality and representation: Negotiating ‘the 99%’ with Occupy London
an article by Jamie Matthews (Goldsmiths University of London, UK) published in
The Sociological Review Volume 67 Issue 5 (September 2019)
Abstract
When Occupy London emerged with a global wave of protest movements in October 2011, it embodied and advanced discursive forms that have characterised the unsettling of political consensus following the financial crisis.
The central claim that ‘We are the 99%’ staged a fundamental tension, between a populist appeal to the figure of ‘the people’, and a contrary orientation seeking to critique inequality while rejecting forms of representation and identity.
This article – which draws on three years of ethnographic fieldwork with Occupy London (October 2011-October 2014) and a critical theorisation of the figure of ‘the people’ in radical movements – follows movement participants’ negotiation of the tension at the heart of the discourse of ‘the 99%’. It offers an account of the conflicting meanings and practices that emerged, arguing that the result was a creative contradiction that sustained the movement for a time, while setting the terms of its ultimate breakdown.
Identifying the concept of ‘representation’ as the site of particular controversy, this is unpicked through a number of key figures (Pitkin, Marx, Spivak, Puchner, Deleuze and Guattari) as the basis for an empirical account of Occupy’s practice of assembly, which offered partial, imperfect ‘solutions’ to these tensions.
The article concludes with some implications for the limits and possibilities of both a grassroots populism and a politics against representation, in the context of political developments since.
Hazel’s comment:
This is an example of the frustration I feel at not being able to see the whole of this article from the comfort of my home! I need to note it for reading on my next visit to the British Library – or maybe the one after that depending on when the journal arrives and is shelved for viewing.
The Sociological Review Volume 67 Issue 5 (September 2019)
Abstract
When Occupy London emerged with a global wave of protest movements in October 2011, it embodied and advanced discursive forms that have characterised the unsettling of political consensus following the financial crisis.
The central claim that ‘We are the 99%’ staged a fundamental tension, between a populist appeal to the figure of ‘the people’, and a contrary orientation seeking to critique inequality while rejecting forms of representation and identity.
This article – which draws on three years of ethnographic fieldwork with Occupy London (October 2011-October 2014) and a critical theorisation of the figure of ‘the people’ in radical movements – follows movement participants’ negotiation of the tension at the heart of the discourse of ‘the 99%’. It offers an account of the conflicting meanings and practices that emerged, arguing that the result was a creative contradiction that sustained the movement for a time, while setting the terms of its ultimate breakdown.
Identifying the concept of ‘representation’ as the site of particular controversy, this is unpicked through a number of key figures (Pitkin, Marx, Spivak, Puchner, Deleuze and Guattari) as the basis for an empirical account of Occupy’s practice of assembly, which offered partial, imperfect ‘solutions’ to these tensions.
The article concludes with some implications for the limits and possibilities of both a grassroots populism and a politics against representation, in the context of political developments since.
Hazel’s comment:
This is an example of the frustration I feel at not being able to see the whole of this article from the comfort of my home! I need to note it for reading on my next visit to the British Library – or maybe the one after that depending on when the journal arrives and is shelved for viewing.
Tuesday, 24 April 2018
Quantifying the power and consequences of social media protest
an article by Deen Freelon (American University, USA), Charlton McIlwain (New York University, USA) and Meredith Clark (University of North Texas, USA) published in New Media & Society Volume 20 Issue 3 (March 2018)
Abstract
The exercise of power has been an implicit theme in research on the use of social media for political protest, but few studies have attempted to measure social media power and its consequences directly.
This study develops and measures three theoretically grounded metrics of social media power – unity, numbers, and commitment – as wielded on Twitter by a social movement (Black Lives Matter [BLM]), a counter-movement (political conservatives), and an unaligned party (mainstream news outlets) over nearly 10 months.
We find evidence of a model of social media efficacy in which BLM predicts mainstream news coverage of police brutality, which in turn is the strongest driver of attention to the issue from political elites.
Critically, the metric that best predicts elite response across all parties is commitment.
Abstract
The exercise of power has been an implicit theme in research on the use of social media for political protest, but few studies have attempted to measure social media power and its consequences directly.
This study develops and measures three theoretically grounded metrics of social media power – unity, numbers, and commitment – as wielded on Twitter by a social movement (Black Lives Matter [BLM]), a counter-movement (political conservatives), and an unaligned party (mainstream news outlets) over nearly 10 months.
We find evidence of a model of social media efficacy in which BLM predicts mainstream news coverage of police brutality, which in turn is the strongest driver of attention to the issue from political elites.
Critically, the metric that best predicts elite response across all parties is commitment.
Friday, 4 January 2013
Self help and protest: the emergence of black supplementary schooling in England
an article by Jessica Gerrard (University of Technology, Sydney, Australia) published in Race Ethnicity and Education
Volume 16 Issue 1 (January 2013)
Abstract
First initiated in the late 1960s, the black supplementary school movement is now approaching its fifth decade of existence. Located across England’s town and city centres, this movement represents important sites of community-based education and independent black culture.
The history of black supplementary schooling points to a concerted reclamation of black knowledge and culture, and the asserted capability of black students, parents, and communities.
Drawing on school archives and the testimonies of ex-teachers and organisers, this article explores the historical emergence of this significant educational movement and its relationship to the state education system.
Firstly, this history traces the educational and political impetus for supplementary schools, through examining the campaign and community work that instigated – and defined – them.
Following from this, the ways in which black supplementary schools challenged state educational authority through their educational practices and through their active campaign work is explored.
Finally, this article examines the relationship between the schools and the state, as they struggled to maintain both their autonomy and their funding.
Abstract
First initiated in the late 1960s, the black supplementary school movement is now approaching its fifth decade of existence. Located across England’s town and city centres, this movement represents important sites of community-based education and independent black culture.
The history of black supplementary schooling points to a concerted reclamation of black knowledge and culture, and the asserted capability of black students, parents, and communities.
Drawing on school archives and the testimonies of ex-teachers and organisers, this article explores the historical emergence of this significant educational movement and its relationship to the state education system.
Firstly, this history traces the educational and political impetus for supplementary schools, through examining the campaign and community work that instigated – and defined – them.
Following from this, the ways in which black supplementary schools challenged state educational authority through their educational practices and through their active campaign work is explored.
Finally, this article examines the relationship between the schools and the state, as they struggled to maintain both their autonomy and their funding.
Thursday, 17 May 2012
Using equality to challenge austerity: new actors, old problems
an article by Hazel Conley (Queen Mary University of London) published in Work Employment & Society Volume 26 Number 3 (April 2012)
Abstract
This article critically examines the potential for ‘new actors’ in industrial relations to use developments in equality law to challenge government economic policy.
The author draws on documentary analysis of the Fawcett Society’s attempt to gain a judicial review of the 2010 emergency budget alongside legal theory in relation to reflexive regulation and literature that examines ‘new actors’ in industrial relations.
The aim is to stimulate debate on the role of the state and social movements in pursuing gender equality and how the latter might compete with or complement the role of trade unions. The concluding argument is that, while reflexive legislation provides opportunities for social movements to complement trade union activity, the role of the state remains contradictory, ultimately thwarting legal enforcement of equality when its economic authority and the interests of capital are threatened.
Abstract
This article critically examines the potential for ‘new actors’ in industrial relations to use developments in equality law to challenge government economic policy.
The author draws on documentary analysis of the Fawcett Society’s attempt to gain a judicial review of the 2010 emergency budget alongside legal theory in relation to reflexive regulation and literature that examines ‘new actors’ in industrial relations.
The aim is to stimulate debate on the role of the state and social movements in pursuing gender equality and how the latter might compete with or complement the role of trade unions. The concluding argument is that, while reflexive legislation provides opportunities for social movements to complement trade union activity, the role of the state remains contradictory, ultimately thwarting legal enforcement of equality when its economic authority and the interests of capital are threatened.
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