an article by Sue Easton (University of Leicester, UK) and Gwilym Pryce (University of Sheffield, UK) published in Urban Studies Volume 56 Issue 14 (November 2019)
Abstract
This paper considers the length of stay of home-owners with white British names in the 40% most-deprived census areas of Glasgow, Scotland. We estimate the impact of ethnically ‘other’ name-group inflows through property purchases at the micro-neighbourhood level.
We use a novel longitudinal data set, constructed from the population of home-buyers recorded in all property transaction records from 2003 to 2014, from which we impute ethnicity using name-matching software.
We estimate how the survival time (length of ownership) of home-owners with white British names is affected by in-migration of house-buyers from different ethnic name-groups into the micro-neighbourhood, defined as a 50 m radius around each home.
Results suggest a complex set of associations between ethnically ‘other’ purchasers/in-movers (based on name groups) and duration of home-ownership for white-British named owners. The most consistent finding is for in-moving purchasers with Pakistani (primarily Muslim) names, which tend to have a relatively large accelerant effect on the moving propensity of home-owners who have white British names. This was true in areas of both high and low non-white ethnic population share.
We also find evidence of nonlinearity in this relationship: the accelerant effect diminishes with each additional in-move from purchasers with Pakistani names. The name group with the largest overall accelerant effect was for in-movers with non-white Other names, which were also primarily Muslim in origin, though this effect was less consistent across models.
Showing posts with label race. Show all posts
Showing posts with label race. Show all posts
Monday, 4 November 2019
Friday, 27 September 2019
Race, again: how face recognition technology reinforces racial discrimination
an article by Fabio Bacchini and Ludovica Lorusso (University of Sassari, Italy and Xlab, Ljubljana, Slovenia) published in Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society Volume 7 Issue 3 (2019)
Abstract
Purpose
This study aims to explore whether face recognition technology – as it is intensely used by state and local police departments and law enforcement agencies – is racism free or, on the contrary, is affected by racial biases and/or racist prejudices, thus reinforcing overall racial discrimination.
Design/methodology/approach
The study investigates the causal pathways through which face recognition technology may reinforce the racial disproportion in enforcement; it also inquires whether it further discriminates black people by making them experience more racial discrimination and self-identify more decisively as black – two conditions that are shown to be harmful in various respects.
Findings
This study shows that face recognition technology, as it is produced, implemented and used in Western societies, reinforces existing racial disparities in stop, investigation, arrest and incarceration rates because of racist prejudices and even contributes to strengthen the unhealthy effects of racism on historically disadvantaged racial groups, like black people.
Practical implications
The findings hope to make law enforcement agencies and software companies aware that they must take adequate action against the racially discriminative effects of the use of face recognition technology.
Social implications
This study highlights that no implementation of an allegedly racism-free biometric technology is safe from the risk of racially discriminating, simply because each implementation leans against our society, which is affected by racism in many persisting ways.
Originality/value
While the ethical survey of biometric technologies is traditionally framed in the discourse of universal rights, this study explores an issue that has not been deeply scrutinized so far, that is, how face recognition technology differently affects distinct racial groups and how it contributes to racial discrimination.
Abstract
Purpose
This study aims to explore whether face recognition technology – as it is intensely used by state and local police departments and law enforcement agencies – is racism free or, on the contrary, is affected by racial biases and/or racist prejudices, thus reinforcing overall racial discrimination.
Design/methodology/approach
The study investigates the causal pathways through which face recognition technology may reinforce the racial disproportion in enforcement; it also inquires whether it further discriminates black people by making them experience more racial discrimination and self-identify more decisively as black – two conditions that are shown to be harmful in various respects.
Findings
This study shows that face recognition technology, as it is produced, implemented and used in Western societies, reinforces existing racial disparities in stop, investigation, arrest and incarceration rates because of racist prejudices and even contributes to strengthen the unhealthy effects of racism on historically disadvantaged racial groups, like black people.
Practical implications
The findings hope to make law enforcement agencies and software companies aware that they must take adequate action against the racially discriminative effects of the use of face recognition technology.
Social implications
This study highlights that no implementation of an allegedly racism-free biometric technology is safe from the risk of racially discriminating, simply because each implementation leans against our society, which is affected by racism in many persisting ways.
Originality/value
While the ethical survey of biometric technologies is traditionally framed in the discourse of universal rights, this study explores an issue that has not been deeply scrutinized so far, that is, how face recognition technology differently affects distinct racial groups and how it contributes to racial discrimination.
Monday, 31 December 2018
There was no relationship between obesity and poverty — until high-fructose corn syrup
a post by Derek Beres for the Big Think blog
A new study out of the University of Tennessee, Knoxville traces a disturbing correlation.
In 1841, Orlando Jones patented alkali starch extraction, a process that separated corn starch from kernels in what is known as wet milling. One year later, Thomas Kingford opened the first commercial wet milling plant in the States. Corn, an agricultural product dating back at least 6,000 years to the Oaxaca region of Mexico, was a natural fit for this process given its abundance. It would take another two decades for chemists to realizes corn starch could be used as a sweetener.
Continue reading
A new study out of the University of Tennessee, Knoxville traces a disturbing correlation.
- Before 1990, there was no noticeable correlation between obesity and poverty.
- Within a quarter-century, impoverished regions showed a massive uptick in obesity and type 1 diabetes.
- Researchers chart the relationship between "food deserts" along with obesity levels.
In 1841, Orlando Jones patented alkali starch extraction, a process that separated corn starch from kernels in what is known as wet milling. One year later, Thomas Kingford opened the first commercial wet milling plant in the States. Corn, an agricultural product dating back at least 6,000 years to the Oaxaca region of Mexico, was a natural fit for this process given its abundance. It would take another two decades for chemists to realizes corn starch could be used as a sweetener.
Continue reading
Monday, 8 October 2018
Migrant margins: The streetlife of discrimination
an article by Suzanne M. Hall (London School of Economics and Political Science, UK) published in The Sociological Review Volume 66 Issue 5 (September 2018)
Abstract
The streetlife of discrimination emerges in the intersections of global migration and urban marginalisation. Focusing on livelihoods forged by migrants on four peripheral streets in Birmingham, Bristol, Leicester and Manchester, this article draws on face-to-face surveys with over 350 self-employed proprietors.
Despite significant variables amongst proprietors, these individuals had all become traders on streets in marginalised parts of UK cities, and the article addresses whether ‘race’ matters more than class for how certain groups become emplaced in the city. Narratives of inequality and racism feature prominently in the proprietors’ accounts of where they settled in the city and what limited forms of work are available in the urban margins.
Yet as significant to proprietors’ experiences of trade are repertoires of entrepreneurial agility and cross-cultural exchange. Through the concept of the ‘migrant margins’ the article explores the overlap of human capacities and structural discrimination that spans global and urban space. It combines urban sociological understandings of ‘race’ and inequality with fluid understandings of makeshift city-making that have emerged in post-colonial urban studies.
Such combinations encourage connections between the histories and geographies of how people and places become bordered, together with city-making practices that are both marginal and transgressive.
Full text (PDF 16pp)
Abstract
The streetlife of discrimination emerges in the intersections of global migration and urban marginalisation. Focusing on livelihoods forged by migrants on four peripheral streets in Birmingham, Bristol, Leicester and Manchester, this article draws on face-to-face surveys with over 350 self-employed proprietors.
Despite significant variables amongst proprietors, these individuals had all become traders on streets in marginalised parts of UK cities, and the article addresses whether ‘race’ matters more than class for how certain groups become emplaced in the city. Narratives of inequality and racism feature prominently in the proprietors’ accounts of where they settled in the city and what limited forms of work are available in the urban margins.
Yet as significant to proprietors’ experiences of trade are repertoires of entrepreneurial agility and cross-cultural exchange. Through the concept of the ‘migrant margins’ the article explores the overlap of human capacities and structural discrimination that spans global and urban space. It combines urban sociological understandings of ‘race’ and inequality with fluid understandings of makeshift city-making that have emerged in post-colonial urban studies.
Such combinations encourage connections between the histories and geographies of how people and places become bordered, together with city-making practices that are both marginal and transgressive.
Full text (PDF 16pp)
Friday, 5 January 2018
Racial projections: cyberspace, public space, and the digital divide
an article by Genevieve G. Carpio (University of California Los Angeles, CA, USA) published in Information, Communication & Society Volume 21 Issue 2 (2018)
Abstract
Scholars of critical race studies, urban history, and information and communications technologies (ICTs) share an interest in the relationship between spatial and racial disparities, including the quality of basic infrastructure, degrees of connectivity, and participatory culture.
However, contemporary research on the digital divide struggles to link historical legacies of uneven development, as well as social justice strategies, with digital participation in urban spaces. By examining contemporary digital art that critiques the spatial inequalities encountered by U.S. racial minorities, this article illustrates how public intellectuals use ICTs in ways that draw upon past strategies to territorialize space for political ends.
It focuses on digital pop-ups, open-air installations that cast images onto public space using projectors. Historicizing these new efforts illustrates a continuity of tactics engaged by communities of color in response to socio-spatial inequalities in the urban United States, such as the 1970s mural movement’s efforts to re-politicize spaces of exclusion.
While existing literature finds that digital inequality results in differential digital human capital, this research indicates that place-based claims, such as digital pop-ups, are important sites for combatting racial injustice and creating more inclusionary spaces, especially among youth adults.
Abstract
Scholars of critical race studies, urban history, and information and communications technologies (ICTs) share an interest in the relationship between spatial and racial disparities, including the quality of basic infrastructure, degrees of connectivity, and participatory culture.
However, contemporary research on the digital divide struggles to link historical legacies of uneven development, as well as social justice strategies, with digital participation in urban spaces. By examining contemporary digital art that critiques the spatial inequalities encountered by U.S. racial minorities, this article illustrates how public intellectuals use ICTs in ways that draw upon past strategies to territorialize space for political ends.
It focuses on digital pop-ups, open-air installations that cast images onto public space using projectors. Historicizing these new efforts illustrates a continuity of tactics engaged by communities of color in response to socio-spatial inequalities in the urban United States, such as the 1970s mural movement’s efforts to re-politicize spaces of exclusion.
While existing literature finds that digital inequality results in differential digital human capital, this research indicates that place-based claims, such as digital pop-ups, are important sites for combatting racial injustice and creating more inclusionary spaces, especially among youth adults.
Thursday, 9 March 2017
An exception to the rule: Belief in redeemability, desistance signals, and the employer’s decision to hire a job applicant with a criminal record
an article by Suzanne E. Reich (University of Queensland, St Lucia, Australia) published in Journal of Offender Rehabilitation Volume 56 Issue 2 (February-March 2017)
Abstract
This article examines whether employment outcomes for ex-offenders are associated with employers’ subjective belief in redeemability, mediated through ex-offenders’ objective desistance signals. An online factorial vignette survey was completed by 367 employers, which examined their hiring decisions in the context of ex-offender job applicants.
OLS regression and serial multiple mediation analyses revealed that both belief in redeemability and desistance signals positively and significantly predicted employers’ hiring decisions.
As well, ex-offenders’ objective desistance signals mediated the association between belief in redeemability and employment outcomes. These findings highlight the importance for ex-offenders to effectively communicate their desistance from crime to employers in their endeavours to obtain employment.
Abstract
This article examines whether employment outcomes for ex-offenders are associated with employers’ subjective belief in redeemability, mediated through ex-offenders’ objective desistance signals. An online factorial vignette survey was completed by 367 employers, which examined their hiring decisions in the context of ex-offender job applicants.
OLS regression and serial multiple mediation analyses revealed that both belief in redeemability and desistance signals positively and significantly predicted employers’ hiring decisions.
As well, ex-offenders’ objective desistance signals mediated the association between belief in redeemability and employment outcomes. These findings highlight the importance for ex-offenders to effectively communicate their desistance from crime to employers in their endeavours to obtain employment.
Friday, 4 January 2013
Self help and protest: the emergence of black supplementary schooling in England
an article by Jessica Gerrard (University of Technology, Sydney, Australia) published in Race Ethnicity and Education
Volume 16 Issue 1 (January 2013)
Abstract
First initiated in the late 1960s, the black supplementary school movement is now approaching its fifth decade of existence. Located across England’s town and city centres, this movement represents important sites of community-based education and independent black culture.
The history of black supplementary schooling points to a concerted reclamation of black knowledge and culture, and the asserted capability of black students, parents, and communities.
Drawing on school archives and the testimonies of ex-teachers and organisers, this article explores the historical emergence of this significant educational movement and its relationship to the state education system.
Firstly, this history traces the educational and political impetus for supplementary schools, through examining the campaign and community work that instigated – and defined – them.
Following from this, the ways in which black supplementary schools challenged state educational authority through their educational practices and through their active campaign work is explored.
Finally, this article examines the relationship between the schools and the state, as they struggled to maintain both their autonomy and their funding.
Abstract
First initiated in the late 1960s, the black supplementary school movement is now approaching its fifth decade of existence. Located across England’s town and city centres, this movement represents important sites of community-based education and independent black culture.
The history of black supplementary schooling points to a concerted reclamation of black knowledge and culture, and the asserted capability of black students, parents, and communities.
Drawing on school archives and the testimonies of ex-teachers and organisers, this article explores the historical emergence of this significant educational movement and its relationship to the state education system.
Firstly, this history traces the educational and political impetus for supplementary schools, through examining the campaign and community work that instigated – and defined – them.
Following from this, the ways in which black supplementary schools challenged state educational authority through their educational practices and through their active campaign work is explored.
Finally, this article examines the relationship between the schools and the state, as they struggled to maintain both their autonomy and their funding.
Thursday, 18 October 2012
Framing the riots
an article by Allison Cavanagh (University of Leeds) and Alex Dennis (University of Sheffield) published in Capital & Class Volume 36 Number 3 (October 2012)
Abstract
An analysis of commentary on the UK’s August 2011 riots reveals shifts in the way the media and politicians now construe concepts of youth, race, criminality and deprivation.
By comparing the response to these events with that which followed the riots of 1981, these changes can be clarified and illuminated.
This analysis reveals that discussions of ‘social problems’ exploited by ‘infiltrators’ (1981) have been replaced by notions of ‘pure criminality’ and ‘mob rule’.
The implications of these changes for contemporary protest, and some ways in which the riots and other forms of protest can be related, are drawn out.
Hazel’s comment:
Are the youth of today so very different from the youth of 30 years ago? I doubt it. What is different, as this article makes clear, is the authority’s language in response is very different.
I am aware that the activities of last year were more extreme and that the looting was on a scale that has rarely been seen in England but that does not, to my mind, make the perpetrators any less victims of social problems which need to be sorted.
Abstract
An analysis of commentary on the UK’s August 2011 riots reveals shifts in the way the media and politicians now construe concepts of youth, race, criminality and deprivation.
By comparing the response to these events with that which followed the riots of 1981, these changes can be clarified and illuminated.
This analysis reveals that discussions of ‘social problems’ exploited by ‘infiltrators’ (1981) have been replaced by notions of ‘pure criminality’ and ‘mob rule’.
The implications of these changes for contemporary protest, and some ways in which the riots and other forms of protest can be related, are drawn out.
Hazel’s comment:
Are the youth of today so very different from the youth of 30 years ago? I doubt it. What is different, as this article makes clear, is the authority’s language in response is very different.
I am aware that the activities of last year were more extreme and that the looting was on a scale that has rarely been seen in England but that does not, to my mind, make the perpetrators any less victims of social problems which need to be sorted.
Tuesday, 13 March 2012
Youth violence at school and the intersection of gender, race, and ethnicity
Anthony A. Pegueroa (Center for Peace Studies and Violence Prevention, Virginia Tech) and Ann Marie Popp (Department of Sociology, Duquesne University, Pittsburgh) published in Journal of Criminal Justice
Volume 40 Issue 1 (January-February 2012)
Abstract
Purpose
Research has revealed that school-based activities are related to youth violence at school; however, the intersection of gender, race, and ethnicity in this relationship remains uncertain.
Methods
This study utilises data from the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 and incorporates multilevel modelling techniques to examine the intersectionality of gender, race, and ethnicity in the relationship between school-based activities and youth victimisation at school.
Results
Racial and ethnic minority male involvement in school sports is linked to an increase in school-based victimisation, while White American male involvement in school sports is associated with a decrease in school-based victimisation. On the other hand, school sports appears to be an insulating factor against victimisation for girls regardless of their race or ethnicity.
Conclusions
This research underscores the importance of understanding the intersection of gender, race, and ethnicity when examining youth violence.
Volume 40 Issue 1 (January-February 2012)
Abstract
Purpose
Research has revealed that school-based activities are related to youth violence at school; however, the intersection of gender, race, and ethnicity in this relationship remains uncertain.
Methods
This study utilises data from the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 and incorporates multilevel modelling techniques to examine the intersectionality of gender, race, and ethnicity in the relationship between school-based activities and youth victimisation at school.
Results
Racial and ethnic minority male involvement in school sports is linked to an increase in school-based victimisation, while White American male involvement in school sports is associated with a decrease in school-based victimisation. On the other hand, school sports appears to be an insulating factor against victimisation for girls regardless of their race or ethnicity.
Conclusions
This research underscores the importance of understanding the intersection of gender, race, and ethnicity when examining youth violence.
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