an article by Pepita Barlow (University of Cambridge, UK), Aaron Reeves ((London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK; University of Oxford, UK), Martin McKee (London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, UK) and David Stuckler (Bocconi University, Milan, Italy) published in Social Policy and Administration Volume 53 Issue 7 (December 2019)
Abstract
Sociologists have long acknowledged that being in a precarious labour market position, whether employed or unemployed, can harm peoples' health. However, scholars have yet to fully investigate the possible contextual, institutional determinants of this relationship.
Two institutions that were overlooked in previous empirical studies are the regulations that set minimum compensation for dismissal, severance payments, and entitlements to a period of notice before dismissal, notice periods. These institutions may be important for workers' health as they influence the degree of insecurity that workers are exposed to.
Here, we test this hypothesis by examining whether longer notice periods and greater severance payments protect the health of labour market participants, both employed and unemployed.
We constructed two cohorts of panel data before and during the European recession using data from 22 countries in the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (person years = 338,000).
We find more generous severance payments significantly reduce the probability that labour market participants, especially the unemployed, will experience declines in self‐reported health, with a slightly weaker relationship for longer notice periods.
Full text (PDF 19pp)
Showing posts with label institutions. Show all posts
Showing posts with label institutions. Show all posts
Wednesday, 4 December 2019
Wednesday, 9 October 2019
From Myths to Markets: Power, Institutions, and the Reification of Imagined Histories
an article by Elizabeth Carter (The University of New Hampshire, USA) published in European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes de Sociologie Volume 60 Issue 2 (August 2019)
Abstract
This article posits that institutionalized mythologies can create comparative production advantages.
Myths shape collective identity, mobilize actors, and fundamentally reshape production dynamics.
Myths are institutionalized in market rules, regulations and structures, leading to the reification of the myth.
The myth functions as if it is true, not because it is true, but because it shapes the rules of production.
Yet without the initial myth, specific production incentives – and even their institutional comparative advantages – would not exist.
My theory integrates approaches from modernist historians (“imagined communities”) and economic sociologists (“imagined futures”) to explain how myths (“imagined histories”) shape contemporary market outcomes, using the example of the French wine market.
This argument contributes to the historical institutionalist approach, which focuses on the historical power dynamics between competing groups and the present-day social and market consequence of their institutionalized solutions.
Abstract
This article posits that institutionalized mythologies can create comparative production advantages.
Myths shape collective identity, mobilize actors, and fundamentally reshape production dynamics.
Myths are institutionalized in market rules, regulations and structures, leading to the reification of the myth.
The myth functions as if it is true, not because it is true, but because it shapes the rules of production.
Yet without the initial myth, specific production incentives – and even their institutional comparative advantages – would not exist.
My theory integrates approaches from modernist historians (“imagined communities”) and economic sociologists (“imagined futures”) to explain how myths (“imagined histories”) shape contemporary market outcomes, using the example of the French wine market.
This argument contributes to the historical institutionalist approach, which focuses on the historical power dynamics between competing groups and the present-day social and market consequence of their institutionalized solutions.
Thursday, 3 October 2019
Between social democracy and communism: an institutional and socioeconomic perspective
an article by Mohamed Ismail Sabry (Hochschule Bremen, Germany) published in International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy Volume 38 Issue 9/10 (2019)
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to explore which socioeconomic and institutional factors are responsible for different societies’ ideological choices, with reference to Marxist socialism. Which factors led to the rise of the popularity of socialism? And which factors made a socialist variant relatively more successful in one society but not the other, with social democracy and communism being the focus of the study?
Design/methodology/approach
Conducting a global theoretical and empirical study on the period between the late 1890s and 1945. The theoretical part discusses various perspectives presented in the literature, accounting for the works of major sociologists (e.g.: M. Mann, Lipset) and political theorists (e.g.: Marx, Engels, Lenin). The empirical part uses a number of OLS multivariate panel regressions using voting to various socialist movements as dependent variables, and socioeconomic and institutional factors as independent variables.
Findings
Some of the findings of the conducted empirical study are that: democracy, industrialization, high population growth rates, low linguistic or religious homogeneity, more years of schooling and less years since independence or creation increase the social democrat (SD) vote. The communist vote was affected positively by more urbanization; higher population growth; less years of schooling; more years since independence; recent experience of war; and the presence of insignificant religious minorities.
Inequality seemed also to have been a strong significant factor for raising the popularity of various socialist parties, especially when countries were long-established or created. Countries which had a fresh experience with war devastation or which were highly urbanized while having higher levels of inequality witnessed an increasing vote share for the communists. More votes went to SD; however, when inequality existed in highly industrialized countries. High GDP growth, matched with higher inequalities, did not seem to have encouraged voting for various socialist parties, and even affected the communist vote negatively.
Research limitations/implications
There were data limitations on the available proxies.
Practical implications
This study suggests welfarism, public spending on education, social inclusion and democratization as remedies for radicalism, regardless of the ideological origins of such radicalism.
Originality/value
Its novelty is attributed to the deep analytical dimension for the issue done here, combining theory, an empirical study made possible by the newly available rich historical data.
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to explore which socioeconomic and institutional factors are responsible for different societies’ ideological choices, with reference to Marxist socialism. Which factors led to the rise of the popularity of socialism? And which factors made a socialist variant relatively more successful in one society but not the other, with social democracy and communism being the focus of the study?
Design/methodology/approach
Conducting a global theoretical and empirical study on the period between the late 1890s and 1945. The theoretical part discusses various perspectives presented in the literature, accounting for the works of major sociologists (e.g.: M. Mann, Lipset) and political theorists (e.g.: Marx, Engels, Lenin). The empirical part uses a number of OLS multivariate panel regressions using voting to various socialist movements as dependent variables, and socioeconomic and institutional factors as independent variables.
Findings
Some of the findings of the conducted empirical study are that: democracy, industrialization, high population growth rates, low linguistic or religious homogeneity, more years of schooling and less years since independence or creation increase the social democrat (SD) vote. The communist vote was affected positively by more urbanization; higher population growth; less years of schooling; more years since independence; recent experience of war; and the presence of insignificant religious minorities.
Inequality seemed also to have been a strong significant factor for raising the popularity of various socialist parties, especially when countries were long-established or created. Countries which had a fresh experience with war devastation or which were highly urbanized while having higher levels of inequality witnessed an increasing vote share for the communists. More votes went to SD; however, when inequality existed in highly industrialized countries. High GDP growth, matched with higher inequalities, did not seem to have encouraged voting for various socialist parties, and even affected the communist vote negatively.
Research limitations/implications
There were data limitations on the available proxies.
Practical implications
This study suggests welfarism, public spending on education, social inclusion and democratization as remedies for radicalism, regardless of the ideological origins of such radicalism.
Originality/value
Its novelty is attributed to the deep analytical dimension for the issue done here, combining theory, an empirical study made possible by the newly available rich historical data.
Monday, 24 December 2018
An East–West comparison of healthcare evaluations in Europe: Do institutions matter?
an article by Tamara Popic (Institute for Social and Political Sciences, University of Lisbon, Portugal) and Simone M. Schneider (Max Planck Institute for Social Law and Social Policy, Germany) published in Journal of European Social Policy Volume 28 Issue 5 (December 2018)
Abstract
Differences in welfare attitudes of Eastern and Western Europeans have often been explained in terms of legacies of communism.
In this article, we explore evaluations of healthcare systems across European countries and argue that East–West differences in these evaluations are explained by differences in the current institutional design of healthcare systems in the two regions.
The empirical analysis is based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, applying multilevel and multilevel mediation analysis. Our results support the institutional explanation. Regional differences in healthcare evaluations are explained by institutional characteristics of the healthcare system, that is, lower financial resources, higher out-of-pocket payments, and lower supply of primary healthcare services in Eastern compared to Western European countries.
We conclude that specific aspects of the current institutional design of healthcare systems are crucial for understanding East–West differences in healthcare evaluations and encourage research to further explore the relevance of institutions for differences in welfare state attitudes across socio-political contexts.
Abstract
Differences in welfare attitudes of Eastern and Western Europeans have often been explained in terms of legacies of communism.
In this article, we explore evaluations of healthcare systems across European countries and argue that East–West differences in these evaluations are explained by differences in the current institutional design of healthcare systems in the two regions.
The empirical analysis is based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, applying multilevel and multilevel mediation analysis. Our results support the institutional explanation. Regional differences in healthcare evaluations are explained by institutional characteristics of the healthcare system, that is, lower financial resources, higher out-of-pocket payments, and lower supply of primary healthcare services in Eastern compared to Western European countries.
We conclude that specific aspects of the current institutional design of healthcare systems are crucial for understanding East–West differences in healthcare evaluations and encourage research to further explore the relevance of institutions for differences in welfare state attitudes across socio-political contexts.
Wednesday, 10 October 2018
Between social democracy and communism: an institutional and socioeconomic perspective
an article by Mohamed Ismail Sabry (Hochschule Bremen, Germany) published in International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy Volume 38 Issue 9/10 (2018)
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to explore which socioeconomic and institutional factors are responsible for different societies’ ideological choices, with reference to Marxist socialism. Which factors led to the rise of the popularity of socialism? And which factors made a socialist variant relatively more successful in one society but not the other, with social democracy and communism being the focus of the study?
Design/methodology/approach
Conducting a global theoretical and empirical study on the period between the late 1890s and 1945. The theoretical part discusses various perspectives presented in the literature, accounting for the works of major sociologists (e.g.: M. Mann, Lipset) and political theorists (e.g.: Marx, Engels, Lenin). The empirical part uses a number of OLS multivariate panel regressions using voting to various socialist movements as dependent variables, and socioeconomic and institutional factors as independent variables.
Findings
Some of the findings of the conducted empirical study are that: democracy, industrialization, high population growth rates, low linguistic or religious homogeneity, more years of schooling and less years since independence or creation increase the social democrat (SD) vote. The communist vote was affected positively by more urbanization; higher population growth; less years of schooling; more years since independence; recent experience of war; and the presence of insignificant religious minorities. Inequality seemed also to have been a strong significant factor for raising the popularity of various socialist parties, especially when countries were long-established or created. Countries which had a fresh experience with war devastation or which were highly urbanized while having higher levels of inequality witnessed an increasing vote share for the communists. More votes went to SD; however, when inequality existed in highly industrialized countries. High GDP growth, matched with higher inequalities, did not seem to have encouraged voting for various socialist parties, and even affected the communist vote negatively.
Research limitations/implications
There were data limitations on the available proxies.
Practical implications
This study suggests welfarism, public spending on education, social inclusion and democratization as remedies for radicalism, regardless of the ideological origins of such radicalism.
Originality/value
Its novelty is attributed to the deep analytical dimension for the issue done here, combining theory, an empirical study made possible by the newly available rich historical data.
Abstract
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to explore which socioeconomic and institutional factors are responsible for different societies’ ideological choices, with reference to Marxist socialism. Which factors led to the rise of the popularity of socialism? And which factors made a socialist variant relatively more successful in one society but not the other, with social democracy and communism being the focus of the study?
Design/methodology/approach
Conducting a global theoretical and empirical study on the period between the late 1890s and 1945. The theoretical part discusses various perspectives presented in the literature, accounting for the works of major sociologists (e.g.: M. Mann, Lipset) and political theorists (e.g.: Marx, Engels, Lenin). The empirical part uses a number of OLS multivariate panel regressions using voting to various socialist movements as dependent variables, and socioeconomic and institutional factors as independent variables.
Findings
Some of the findings of the conducted empirical study are that: democracy, industrialization, high population growth rates, low linguistic or religious homogeneity, more years of schooling and less years since independence or creation increase the social democrat (SD) vote. The communist vote was affected positively by more urbanization; higher population growth; less years of schooling; more years since independence; recent experience of war; and the presence of insignificant religious minorities. Inequality seemed also to have been a strong significant factor for raising the popularity of various socialist parties, especially when countries were long-established or created. Countries which had a fresh experience with war devastation or which were highly urbanized while having higher levels of inequality witnessed an increasing vote share for the communists. More votes went to SD; however, when inequality existed in highly industrialized countries. High GDP growth, matched with higher inequalities, did not seem to have encouraged voting for various socialist parties, and even affected the communist vote negatively.
Research limitations/implications
There were data limitations on the available proxies.
Practical implications
This study suggests welfarism, public spending on education, social inclusion and democratization as remedies for radicalism, regardless of the ideological origins of such radicalism.
Originality/value
Its novelty is attributed to the deep analytical dimension for the issue done here, combining theory, an empirical study made possible by the newly available rich historical data.
Thursday, 12 April 2018
The disinformation order: Disruptive communication and the decline of democratic institutions
an article by W Lance Bennett (University of Washington, USA) and Steven Livingston (The George Washington University, USA) published in European Journal of Communication Volume 33 Issue 2 (April 2018)
Abstract
Many democratic nations are experiencing increased levels of false information circulating through social media and political websites that mimic journalism formats.
In many cases, this disinformation is associated with the efforts of movements and parties on the radical right to mobilize supporters against centre parties and the mainstream press that carries their messages. The spread of disinformation can be traced to growing legitimacy problems in many democracies.
Declining citizen confidence in institutions undermines the credibility of official information in the news and opens publics to alternative information sources. Those sources are often associated with both nationalist (primarily radical right) and foreign (commonly Russian) strategies to undermine institutional legitimacy and destabilize centre parties, governments and elections.
The Brexit campaign in the United Kingdom and the election of Donald Trump in the United States are among the most prominent examples of disinformation campaigns intended to disrupt normal democratic order, but many other nations display signs of disinformation and democratic disruption.
The origins of these problems and their implications for political communication research are explored.
Abstract
Many democratic nations are experiencing increased levels of false information circulating through social media and political websites that mimic journalism formats.
In many cases, this disinformation is associated with the efforts of movements and parties on the radical right to mobilize supporters against centre parties and the mainstream press that carries their messages. The spread of disinformation can be traced to growing legitimacy problems in many democracies.
Declining citizen confidence in institutions undermines the credibility of official information in the news and opens publics to alternative information sources. Those sources are often associated with both nationalist (primarily radical right) and foreign (commonly Russian) strategies to undermine institutional legitimacy and destabilize centre parties, governments and elections.
The Brexit campaign in the United Kingdom and the election of Donald Trump in the United States are among the most prominent examples of disinformation campaigns intended to disrupt normal democratic order, but many other nations display signs of disinformation and democratic disruption.
The origins of these problems and their implications for political communication research are explored.
Monday, 12 February 2018
How merchant guilds became obsolete [feedly]
a column by Prateek Raj for VOX: CEPR’s Policy Portal
In medieval Europe, trade depended on personal relationships, which were usually mediated by merchant guilds. The column argues that increasing incentives to do business with merchants outside the guild system, and the availability of better information about those trading partners, led to the decline of merchant guilds in the 16th century. This occurred first in coastal cities that were early adopters of printing technology.
Continue reading
In medieval Europe, trade depended on personal relationships, which were usually mediated by merchant guilds. The column argues that increasing incentives to do business with merchants outside the guild system, and the availability of better information about those trading partners, led to the decline of merchant guilds in the 16th century. This occurred first in coastal cities that were early adopters of printing technology.
Continue reading
Thursday, 8 February 2018
Labour scarcity and labour coercion: Serfdom in Bohemia
a column by Alex Klein and Sheilagh Ogilvie for VOX: CEPR’s Policy Portal
A famous hypothesis posits that serfdom was caused by factor endowments, specifically high land-labour ratios. Historical evidence seems to refute this idea, but with substantial identification problems. This column uses microdata for more than 11,000 Bohemian villages in the year 1757 to control for other potential influences on serfdom. The results support the factor endowments hypothesis, with higher land-labour ratios intensifying serfdom, suggesting that institutions are partially shaped by economic fundamentals.
Continue reading
A famous hypothesis posits that serfdom was caused by factor endowments, specifically high land-labour ratios. Historical evidence seems to refute this idea, but with substantial identification problems. This column uses microdata for more than 11,000 Bohemian villages in the year 1757 to control for other potential influences on serfdom. The results support the factor endowments hypothesis, with higher land-labour ratios intensifying serfdom, suggesting that institutions are partially shaped by economic fundamentals.
Continue reading
Monday, 11 December 2017
‘Diversion or safety net?’ Institutions and public opinion on vocational education and training
an article by Valentina Di Stasio (Nuffield College, University of Oxford, UK) published in Journal of European Social Policy Volume 27 Issue 4 (October 2017)
Abstract
Vocational education and training (VET) has been described in the sociological literature as a mixed blessing. On one hand, vocational qualifications facilitate the school-to-work transitions of youth (safety net function of VET); on the other hand, placement into vocational tracks dissuades students from attending higher education (diversion function of VET).
In this study, I analyse whether VET is perceived to function as a safety net and/or a diversion route by the public at large. VET systems greatly vary across countries with regard to their perceived prestige, the involvement of social partners in the provision of training and the certification of occupational skills.
Thus, I focus on whether perceptions of VET vary systematically across countries. Using Eurobarometer data from 2011, I show that in countries with occupationally oriented VET systems, which provide work-based training in the form of apprenticeships, both the safety net and diversion functions are recognized as distinctive aspects of VET.
Although public perceptions of the safety net function do not vary across education groups, the analyses show that highly educated individuals are less likely than the other education groups to suggest vocational education as an option, even when they do recognize its role as a safety net. This study contributes to our understanding of the micro-level mechanisms that underlie the formation of educational preferences across social groups.
Abstract
Vocational education and training (VET) has been described in the sociological literature as a mixed blessing. On one hand, vocational qualifications facilitate the school-to-work transitions of youth (safety net function of VET); on the other hand, placement into vocational tracks dissuades students from attending higher education (diversion function of VET).
In this study, I analyse whether VET is perceived to function as a safety net and/or a diversion route by the public at large. VET systems greatly vary across countries with regard to their perceived prestige, the involvement of social partners in the provision of training and the certification of occupational skills.
Thus, I focus on whether perceptions of VET vary systematically across countries. Using Eurobarometer data from 2011, I show that in countries with occupationally oriented VET systems, which provide work-based training in the form of apprenticeships, both the safety net and diversion functions are recognized as distinctive aspects of VET.
Although public perceptions of the safety net function do not vary across education groups, the analyses show that highly educated individuals are less likely than the other education groups to suggest vocational education as an option, even when they do recognize its role as a safety net. This study contributes to our understanding of the micro-level mechanisms that underlie the formation of educational preferences across social groups.
Tuesday, 26 September 2017
Thousands of mental health patients spend years on secure wards
an article by Denis Campbell, Health policy editor, for the Guardian in July 2017
An NHS secure mental health unit. Critics have said stays in these wards should not be a long-term option. Photograph: Christopher Thomond for the Guardian
Thousands of mental health patients are being kept in secure wards for years at a time when they should be being rehabilitated and preparing to leave hospital, a NHS watchdog has revealed.
The Care Quality Commission (CQC) criticised both NHS and for-profit mental health providers for forcing such a large number of patients to endure what it called “outdated and sometimes institutionalised care”, often miles from home. The practice leaves already vulnerable patients feeling isolated and less likely to recover, the CQC warned.
More than 3,500 patients in 248 mental health wards are kept locked-in. In 2015-16 some stayed for 45 days, but others had been there for up to 1,744 days – four and a half years – the care regulator found.
Continue reading
Four and a half years locked away is simply not sensible but in these times of austerity (for which read staff shortages) may be the only answer for those who are not only a danger to themselves but possibly to others.
An NHS secure mental health unit. Critics have said stays in these wards should not be a long-term option. Photograph: Christopher Thomond for the Guardian
Thousands of mental health patients are being kept in secure wards for years at a time when they should be being rehabilitated and preparing to leave hospital, a NHS watchdog has revealed.
The Care Quality Commission (CQC) criticised both NHS and for-profit mental health providers for forcing such a large number of patients to endure what it called “outdated and sometimes institutionalised care”, often miles from home. The practice leaves already vulnerable patients feeling isolated and less likely to recover, the CQC warned.
More than 3,500 patients in 248 mental health wards are kept locked-in. In 2015-16 some stayed for 45 days, but others had been there for up to 1,744 days – four and a half years – the care regulator found.
Continue reading
Four and a half years locked away is simply not sensible but in these times of austerity (for which read staff shortages) may be the only answer for those who are not only a danger to themselves but possibly to others.
Monday, 17 August 2015
Local institutions and local economic development: the Local Enterprise Partnerships in England, 2010–
an article by Andy Pike, Anja McCarthy and Peter O’Brien (Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies, Newcastle University), David Marlow (Third Life Economics, Stamford, Cambridgeshire) and John Tomaney (The Bartlett School of Planning, University College London) published in Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society Volume 8 Number 2 (2015)
Abstract
This paper examines the roles of local institutions in economic development at the local level.
Drawing upon comparative analysis of the 39 local enterprise partnerships emergent in England since 2010, it demonstrates: how local economic development institutions work within multi-agent and multi-scalar institutional settings; the ways institutional genealogy shapes processes of layering and recombining as well as dismantling and improvising in episodes of institutional change and the analytical themes able to explore the roles and functions of institutions in local economic development.
JEL codes: H70, O10, O20, R58
Full text (HTML) and (PDF 20pp)
Abstract
This paper examines the roles of local institutions in economic development at the local level.
Drawing upon comparative analysis of the 39 local enterprise partnerships emergent in England since 2010, it demonstrates: how local economic development institutions work within multi-agent and multi-scalar institutional settings; the ways institutional genealogy shapes processes of layering and recombining as well as dismantling and improvising in episodes of institutional change and the analytical themes able to explore the roles and functions of institutions in local economic development.
JEL codes: H70, O10, O20, R58
Full text (HTML) and (PDF 20pp)
Thursday, 28 March 2013
Design in a downturn? Creative work, labour market dynamics and institutions...
an article by Tara Vinodrai (University of Waterloo, Ontario, Canada) published in Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society Volume 6 Number 1 (2013)
Abstract
This article examines how creative workers are adapting to the global economic downturn and how this process is unfolding in different national and regional institutional spaces.
The article draws upon a comparative study of design work in two urban settings in advanced capitalist economies (Toronto, Canada and Copenhagen, Denmark) to explore this question.
It demonstrates that the strategies taken by creative workers to respond to changing economic conditions are actively shaped and constrained by their geographic and institutional contexts.
The article underscores that the existing national and regional institutions provide the foundation for the future possibilities, welfare and prosperity of creative workers.
JEL classification: O18, P5, R23, Z10
Abstract
This article examines how creative workers are adapting to the global economic downturn and how this process is unfolding in different national and regional institutional spaces.
The article draws upon a comparative study of design work in two urban settings in advanced capitalist economies (Toronto, Canada and Copenhagen, Denmark) to explore this question.
It demonstrates that the strategies taken by creative workers to respond to changing economic conditions are actively shaped and constrained by their geographic and institutional contexts.
The article underscores that the existing national and regional institutions provide the foundation for the future possibilities, welfare and prosperity of creative workers.
JEL classification: O18, P5, R23, Z10
Thursday, 16 August 2012
Three ways to defend social security in Britain
an article by Ben Baumberg (affiliation(s) not provided) published in Journal of Poverty and Social Justice Volume 20 Number 2 (June 2012)
Abstract
British social security is now in a time of crisis, where cuts are being made to a system that was already struggling to provide decent security.
In this paper I argue that successful proposals to combat this must
(i) lead to reductions in poverty/inequality;
(ii) fit existing perceptions of claimant “deservingness”, and;
(iii) change deservingness perceptions in the long run.
I conclude that three influential recent proposals – Decent Childhoods1, National Salary Insurance2, and The Solidarity Society3 – are only partially successful in meeting these criteria, and that successful reform requires a fusion of the respective insights of each proposal.
________________
1I failed to find a link to the document but here is a blog post about it.
2by Graeme Cook published by IPPR – full report (PDF 18pp)
3by Tim Horton and James Gregory for The Fabian Society summary (PDF 20pp) full report (PDF 260pp)
Abstract
British social security is now in a time of crisis, where cuts are being made to a system that was already struggling to provide decent security.
In this paper I argue that successful proposals to combat this must
(i) lead to reductions in poverty/inequality;
(ii) fit existing perceptions of claimant “deservingness”, and;
(iii) change deservingness perceptions in the long run.
I conclude that three influential recent proposals – Decent Childhoods1, National Salary Insurance2, and The Solidarity Society3 – are only partially successful in meeting these criteria, and that successful reform requires a fusion of the respective insights of each proposal.
________________
1I failed to find a link to the document but here is a blog post about it.
2by Graeme Cook published by IPPR – full report (PDF 18pp)
3by Tim Horton and James Gregory for The Fabian Society summary (PDF 20pp) full report (PDF 260pp)
Monday, 30 July 2012
Institutional culture, social interaction and learning
an article by Harry Daniels (Department of Education, University of Bath) published in Learning, Culture and Social Interaction Volume 1 Issue 1 (March 2012)
Abstract
This paper is concerned with the the development of a theoretical and methodological approach to the study of the cultures of institutions and the patterns of social interaction within them as they exert a formative effect on the ‘what’ and ‘how’ of learning.
It does this through the development of an approach in which a dialectical relation between theoretical and empirical work draws on the strengths of the legacies of sociological and psychological sources to provide a theoretical model which is capable of descriptions at levels of delicacy which may be tailored to the needs of specific research questions.
The paper provides an introduction to a model of description that may be used to study the way in which societal needs and priorities and/or curriculum formations are recontextualised within institutions such as schools. Institutional structures are analysed as historical products which themselves are subject to dynamic transformation and change as people act within and on them.
Full text (HTML)
Abstract
This paper is concerned with the the development of a theoretical and methodological approach to the study of the cultures of institutions and the patterns of social interaction within them as they exert a formative effect on the ‘what’ and ‘how’ of learning.
It does this through the development of an approach in which a dialectical relation between theoretical and empirical work draws on the strengths of the legacies of sociological and psychological sources to provide a theoretical model which is capable of descriptions at levels of delicacy which may be tailored to the needs of specific research questions.
The paper provides an introduction to a model of description that may be used to study the way in which societal needs and priorities and/or curriculum formations are recontextualised within institutions such as schools. Institutional structures are analysed as historical products which themselves are subject to dynamic transformation and change as people act within and on them.
Full text (HTML)
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