an article by Killian Mullan (University of Oxford, UK) and Judy Wajcman (London School of Economics and Political Science, UK) published in Work, Employment and Society Volume 33 Issue 1 (February 2019)
Abstract
It is commonly claimed that ubiquitous connectivity erodes the boundaries that once separated work from other aspects of life. Mobile devices in particular enable people to perform work-related activities anytime anywhere.
Surprisingly, however, we know little about how people nationwide organise their daily working time over a period that has witnessed rapid technological change.
Using the United Kingdom Time Use Surveys 2000 and 2015, covering this period of technological change, we studied work extension practices, and the links between work extension, total work hours and subjective time pressure.
We found a significant, though small, increase in work extension, and evidence that it was significantly associated with time pressure in 2015, but not in 2000. Additionally, work extension increased total work hours, which was concentrated entirely in time working with a mobile device.
We discuss our results in light of some taken-for-granted narratives about mobile devices allowing work to colonise life.
Showing posts with label time_use_data. Show all posts
Showing posts with label time_use_data. Show all posts
Tuesday, 19 February 2019
Thursday, 31 January 2019
How prices, incomes, and discrimination affect the ways we use time
a column by Daniel Hamermesh and Jeff Biddle for VOX: CEPR’s Policy Portal
People combine goods and time in household production, and theory suggests that as their wage rates rise, they will substitute goods-intensive for time-intensive activities. However, it is not clear how activities that take essentially no, or minimal, amounts of spending, such as sleeping or watching TV, fit into the theory.
This column uses data from time diaries for the US, France, and Germany to demonstrate that not all non-work time is the same, and different components of non-work time respond differently to changing incentives.
Continue reading
People combine goods and time in household production, and theory suggests that as their wage rates rise, they will substitute goods-intensive for time-intensive activities. However, it is not clear how activities that take essentially no, or minimal, amounts of spending, such as sleeping or watching TV, fit into the theory.
This column uses data from time diaries for the US, France, and Germany to demonstrate that not all non-work time is the same, and different components of non-work time respond differently to changing incentives.
Continue reading
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