an article by Emma Craddock (Nottingham University, University Park, Nottingham, UK) published in Gender, Work and Organization Volume 24 Number 1 (January 2017)
Abstract
Austerity is a feminist issue, given its disproportionate impact on women. Within Nottingham there has been a strong resistance to austerity.
However, the key local anti-austerity groups neglect this gendered dimension, resulting in women forming their own community groups to provide practical support to women affected by the cuts.
This article explores this feminist response to austerity, raising the question of why this gendered dimension is not visible within key local anti-austerity movements. It seeks to answer this question by drawing on data from semi-structured interviews with activists, paying close attention to the gendered barriers and exclusions to activism that exist.
In particular, this article explores the complex relationship between care and activism that underlies many of these barriers.
Finally, it offers some potential solutions to this key problem.
Full text (PDF)
Showing posts with label public_sphere. Show all posts
Showing posts with label public_sphere. Show all posts
Wednesday, 15 February 2017
Friday, 27 March 2015
Between whisper and voice: Online women’s movement outreach in the UK and Germany
an article by Henrike Knappe (Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities (KWI) Essen, Germany) and Sabine Lang (University of Washington, USA) published in European Journal of Women’s Studies Volume 21 Number 4 (November 2014)
Abstract
Women’s movements in Western Europe are not dead, but they have altered their strategies in ways that require adaptation of investigative repertoires.
Recent research highlights women’s movements’ pathways into institutions as well as the transnationalisation of activism.
This article focuses on the shifting public communication repertoire associated with these developments. Communication and movement outreach across Europe are increasingly constituted online. The authors investigate the degree to which women’s networks in Germany and the UK mobilise constituencies via online means.
Utilising network mapping tools as well as original data from women’s NGOs, they analyse the density and distribution of relationships in German and UK networks, as well as their interactive communication repertoires as indicators of their capacity to engage constituents.
The findings show that information-focused means of communication are more prevalent than interactive mobilisation tools. Women’s NGOs in the UK utilise more public engagement features than those in Germany. The authors relate these findings to second-, third- and fourth-wave feminisms, focusing on their distinct mobilisation strategies.
Abstract
Women’s movements in Western Europe are not dead, but they have altered their strategies in ways that require adaptation of investigative repertoires.
Recent research highlights women’s movements’ pathways into institutions as well as the transnationalisation of activism.
This article focuses on the shifting public communication repertoire associated with these developments. Communication and movement outreach across Europe are increasingly constituted online. The authors investigate the degree to which women’s networks in Germany and the UK mobilise constituencies via online means.
Utilising network mapping tools as well as original data from women’s NGOs, they analyse the density and distribution of relationships in German and UK networks, as well as their interactive communication repertoires as indicators of their capacity to engage constituents.
The findings show that information-focused means of communication are more prevalent than interactive mobilisation tools. Women’s NGOs in the UK utilise more public engagement features than those in Germany. The authors relate these findings to second-, third- and fourth-wave feminisms, focusing on their distinct mobilisation strategies.
Labels:
Europe,
Germany,
NGO_networks,
online_activism,
public_sphere,
UK,
women's_movement
Friday, 11 May 2012
Online versus face-to-face deliberation: Who? Why? What? With what effects?
an article by Young Min Baek (Seoul National University, South Korea) Magdalena Wojcieszak (IE University, Spain) Michael X. Delli Carpini (University of Pennsylvania, USA) published in New Media & Society Volume 14 Number 3 (May 2012)
Abstract
Although there has been much speculation regarding the strengths and weaknesses of face-to-face versus online deliberative settings, no studies have systematically compared the two.
Drawing on a national sample of Americans who reported deliberating face-to-face and/or online, we examine these two deliberative settings with regard to the participants, the motivations, the process, and the effects. Our findings, although tentative, suggest that the two settings are distinct in several important ways.
Relative to face-to-face deliberation, online deliberation over-represents young, male, and white users, attracts more ideological moderates, generates more negative emotions, and is less likely to result in consensus and political action. At the same time, online deliberators perceived online settings as more politically and racially diverse.
Implications for understanding the democratic potential of different forms of deliberation are discussed.
Abstract
Although there has been much speculation regarding the strengths and weaknesses of face-to-face versus online deliberative settings, no studies have systematically compared the two.
Drawing on a national sample of Americans who reported deliberating face-to-face and/or online, we examine these two deliberative settings with regard to the participants, the motivations, the process, and the effects. Our findings, although tentative, suggest that the two settings are distinct in several important ways.
Relative to face-to-face deliberation, online deliberation over-represents young, male, and white users, attracts more ideological moderates, generates more negative emotions, and is less likely to result in consensus and political action. At the same time, online deliberators perceived online settings as more politically and racially diverse.
Implications for understanding the democratic potential of different forms of deliberation are discussed.
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